Fri 20 Jun 2008
[An edited version of this article was published in STAR magazine.]

Twelve years after the abduction of Adibashi human rights activist Kalpana Chakma, the mystery of her disappearance remains unsolved.
Disappearance of Kalpana Chakma
Kajalie Shehreen Islam
[STAR Magazine, June 20, 2008]
The story has been recounted several times over the last 12 years. The demands have gone from “We want Kalpana back” to “Where is Kalpana?” to, finally, “Publicise the inquiry committee report — if she is dead, let us perform her last rites”. Twelve years after a shocking crime, all that the family and friends of the victim, a community, a people are asking for, is closure.

According to a Ain O Salish Kendra report, in the early hours of June 12, 1996, hours before the national elections, several security personnel in plainclothes from the nearby Kojoichori army barrack, allegedly led by Lieutenant Ferdous, entered the home of Kalpana Chakma, organising secretary of the Hill Women’s Federation (HWF) and asked her and her two brothers, Khudiram and Kalicharan, to go with them. They were taken to a lake and, first, Khudiram was asked to step into it. As soon as he did, an order was given to fire. Khudiram jumped into the water and swam and took shelter at a neighbour’s house. Kalicharan heard the firing and escaped, with Kalpana’s cry of “Dada dada mahre baja” (brother brother save me) trailing behind him. Kalpana was never found.
The army gave different stories at different points in time. First, that it was a “love affair” between Kalpana and Lieutenant Ferdous (between whom there had been a heated debate a few days earlier at Kalpana’s house regarding the fire which burnt down seven houses in her village of Lallyaghona some days earlier). Later, they denied any involvement in the case and finally, a disinformation campaign was launched and Kalpana was said to have been spotted in Tripura, India by an NGO called Bangladesh Human Rights Commission. Locals, however, later verified that Kalpana had no passport and could not have gone abroad.
After months of protest and international pressure building up (four Adibashi protesters — Rupon Chakma, Sukesh Chakma, Monotosh Chakma and Samar Chakma — were killed by Bangali settlers, the first at a protest rally, the other three on their way to one), the government, in September 1996, formed a three-member inquiry committee. The committee is said to have submitted its report to the Ministry of Home Affairs some years ago, but the report has not yet been made public.
On the anniversary of Kalpana Chakma’s disappearance last week, two factions of Hill Women’s Federation — Jatiyo Samhati Samity (JSS) and United People’s Democratic Front (UPDF) — arranged different programmes to mark the day. At both the human chain organised by JSS in front of the Institute of Fine Arts on the morning of June 12, and the seminar organised by UPDF at RC Majumder Auditorium at Dhaka University in the afternoon, demands were made for the inquiry report to be published. Speakers at the seminar spoke about Kalpana, about her keen political insight and about her fight for not only Adibashi women but for all Bangladeshi women and for the country as a whole. They also pointed out that only now, with the whole nation under emergency rule, can the people of the plains even begin to imagine the circumstances in which those in the hills have lived for over the past three decades.
Kalpana is remembered by those who knew her as a brave, driven and sincere woman, highly committed to her work. She played a key role in organising the Marishya branch of the HWF. She was vocal against the army’s repression and harassment of Jumma women and men, and the collection of “bio-datas” by the army of girls who had come of age. She also favoured the independent candidate in the upcoming national elections of 1996.
“Kalpana’s struggle was not only for the right to existence of the Jumma people but also to eradicate the gender discrimination between women and men and to ensure women’s rights,” says Kabita Chakma, the then president of the HWF. “She was very capable, which is why we quickly made her an integral part of the organisation. She was very sharp, had a lot of depth. She was revolutionary.”
Samari Chakma, cultural secretary of the HWF at the time, remembers Kalpana as being calm and organised. It was Kalpana who introduced the idea of saving a fistful of rice every day when cooking, storing up for the rainy days.
“She was very brave,” says Samari. “It is not easy for someone from a remote village to adapt to life in the city so well, but this was never an obstacle for Kalpana. She was very sincere in her work and did it very efficiently.”
Kalpana’s stance against the repressive system made her a target. The activist, however, had no inkling of what lay in wait for her. According to Kabita Chakma, Kalpana never suspected anything.
“Even a couple of months before the tragedy, Kalpana was consoling me, because we believed I might become the target of the army’s wrath. I had gone into hiding at the time and it was Kalpana who consoled me that nothing bad would happen,” says Kabita.
It is difficult to imagine how one can meet such a tragic end for standing up for a cause, for fighting for a people. For a nation itself borne of repression followed by a bloody battle, we are surprisingly unsympathetic to the cries for justice of our own ethnic groups. The power cycle continues, only now, the oppressed have become the oppressors. But, as Prof. Anu Mohammed of Jahangirnagar University pointed out in his speech at the seminar on the anniversary of Kalpana Chakma’s disappearance, the oppressed keep coming back.
Kalpana’s abduction is not an isolated incident. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, there were numerous cases of Adibashi women being abducted by the Army and Muslim settlers and then forced to marry the abductors as a way of integrating them into Bangali Muslim society. Kalpana Chakma has become a symbol of the crimes committed against the Adibashis over the decades and for the justice not done them. But she has also become a symbol and will always be remembered for her spirit, strength and bravery, ironically, the effect of which has become even more powerful during her absence. Until and unless the inquiry report is made public and it is known what actually happened to Kalpana and others like her, they will keep returning to haunt us and jab at our conscience, until they find justice.
June 20th, 2008 at 7:38 am
“For a nation itself borne of repression followed by a bloody battle, we are surprisingly unsympathetic to the cries for justice of our own ethnic groups.”
I couldn’t agree more. But then, since the birth of our nation, we have not been very accomodating of any minority– chakma, garo,hindu or bihari.
Someone had asked me the following quetion the other day:
“just want to knw wat u meant by sayin ‘, Bangladesh army kills and jails people at random even today’. u just cannot point u r finger on such a gr8 institution without having proper and adequate evidence. If they have killed some one,there has to be a reasonable ground for it.However,there could be errors on their act,and can be addressed in a proper manner instead of playin a blame game.”
I would like to ask everyone..
What IS the proper manner of addressing crimes comitted by the army?
this person had also added
“Just not Army, anyone under normal situation can arrest without warrant (a) anyone who is in the act of committing an arrestable offence or (b) anyone whom he has reasonable grounds for suspecting to be committing such an offence.In case of Martial Law, Army has the right to arrest anyone and it is mandatory.. soon after the arrest the accused is to be handed over to the local police for further actions.”
If people in our generation defend the actions of the army, what awaits us in the future? Will the armed forces eventually become the omnipotent ruling class of Bangladesh like they are in certain African countries or even in Pakistan?
How do you take the army to task?
June 20th, 2008 at 3:00 pm
They are mostly court martialed in military court the process of which is not public. But offences for rape and murder of civilians must be tried in civilian courts. We don’t have many precendence. The much publicized killing of Cholesh Richel in army custody last year was not tried in civilian court. The offending officer was known to have been transferred and given unspecified internal reprimands. The independent enquiry commission report was not published. The family of Cholesh was given a sewing machine and 30,000 taka.
The person has mentioned to you emergency power rules. No civilized country with a rule of law can have such laws on going for such a long time. Last year and a half have shown flagrant violation of laws that protect basic liberty of people and the notion that you are innoncent until proven guilty. Your “buddy” needs to ask himself how would it feel if it happened to his father? What is the definition of reasonable suspicion? This month over 25,000 people were arrested on suspicion. We also have seen in the TIB report how agencies are claiming money not to harrass people. Lastly the most important question people should ask is what’s the normal process or way for redress. If I have a complaint against the joint forces who do I do the complaint and what happens with the complaint process? Do I go to Police, army or bdr headquarter? or do I go to the DC, the civilian authority? There is no direct answer to these questions. Because every one knows no one complains. No one complains not because there is no complaints. Because nothing will happen to the offenders. More likely the complaining person will be in for more trouble.
June 20th, 2008 at 4:22 pm
Such stories generate omnipotent feeling of rage, rationality evaporates. In such instances, I am ashamed to be a Bengali, not because some criminals have done it, because rest of the nation is OK with it. The state fails me when Kalpana’s family does not get the right to seek justice.
# 1, Tell your friend, “such a great institution” has transferred and reprimanded one of their fellow officer (assuming #2, Asif is right) for one of the most brutal and most publicized murder case in the recent years. By the way, don’t forget to mention that in their scale, price of a ‘pahari’ life is about a Singer Machine + 30,000 Tk.
On the other hand, these cases are probably the opportunities to create “proper and adequate” evidence. With appropriate measures, may be we can force our armed forces to shed off the culture of protecting the rogue elements and thereby tarnishing the image of a national institute.
I am aware that lots of knowledgeable people are demanding closure in Kalpana’s case. I would like to know is their any way to bring in more pressure? For example, can Government be subpoenaed in a court of law (inside or outside Bangladesh) to produce the inquiry report?
Does Bangladeshi law permit hiring high profile international investigators to draw attention to the case? Probably this will require huge amount of money. But at the end, it will be worth. It will bring justice for Kalpana in particular and in the bigger picture it will be the start point to end army brutality and save our army. If a fund to wage legal war for Kalpana is established, I think many of us will be contributing to such a fund to the best of our ability just out of guilt.
June 20th, 2008 at 5:08 pm
Thanks for the article on kalpana’s abduction. But I am sorry to write that regarding ADIVASHI. I could not understand why you mentioned in yours article Kalpana as advashi activist which was very objectionable and harrasment word because Kalpana herself could believe they are not adivashi or indigenous they are struggling to establish their political rights as JUMMA nation which I got from her letters published in Kalpana Diary. It is very regrettable when medias and so call adivashi activist mention that Kalpana is a adivashi activist.You have to remember Kalpana as Jumma. It is history and you Know history will say the real true one day. I call every writers and medias please give up the adivashi thought and write the real identity things and mention their real nations name otherwise their ethnic identity will lose soon.
riprip
June 20th, 2008 at 6:18 pm
Asif bhai & SC
You can wake up someone’s who’s sleeping, but not someone who pretends to sleep. I posted a link to this story and your responses, but I doubt he will bother to read.
On a different note, another friend said to me, about the Bihari killings post-liberation,- ‘they deserved it’. His rationale was that since they hadn’t supported the Bangalis in ‘71 and ‘their people’ killed so many of us, it was a causal-effect. This person, is the son of a freedom fighter, a national leader and labour activist. But I can bet you, the whole ‘what if it were your father’ analogy would at best make him hurl more abuses at me.
This made me think. This is perhaps all those who kill, torture or oppress the ethnic minorities think. ‘They’re not one of us’, so it’s ok to repress them. The hindus belong to a different religion, the chakmans, garos and biharis speak a different tongue. Some of us, appease our conscience with such frail rationales.
Do you think having more minority participation in policy level will help sensitize such people?
June 20th, 2008 at 7:58 pm
#4
I think the writer had used ‘adivashi’ to help people relate to the article better. very few people are really aware of the ‘jumma’ tribes and tend to put all tribes under the broader category of adivashi. I’m sure she didn’t mean it as a term of harassment.
I found this one link on the Jummas
http://www.survival-international.org/tribes/jummas
may be you can englighten us with more information on their lives and struggles?
June 21st, 2008 at 6:29 am
well said Fariha,
I have also encountered Bangladeshis who feel it was ok to kill innocent Biharis in retaliation. Similarly, some are dismissive of “Chakmas”, feeling they are fair game to be killed, or tortured, as it is “they” .
June 21st, 2008 at 2:59 pm
A very relevant article by Newage editor Nurul Kabir here
http://www.newagebd.com/2006/feb/01/edit.html
To further reiterate how ‘we’ bangalis treat anyone non-bangali as ‘they’ is apparent here
http://www.drishtipat.org/blog/2008/06/17/a-proud-bangladeshi-in-pakistan/
Comment 51
“In 1971 they helped the Pakistani Army in killing Bengalis that is why some unfortunate incidents happened after the fall of Dhaka.”
Who is this ‘they’? All urdu speaking, biharis, indians, pakistanis, who may or may not have helped the Pakistani army? Do we have an account of how many of the masacarred families actually had helped the Pak Army? Look how easily we shift blame by alienating the minority.
In the same post, there is mention of Professor Kazmi who was one of those innocent victims whose family’s only flaw was that they spoke Urdu.
Does calling these indiscriminate killings ‘unfortunate incidents’ not undermine our own quest for Bangali genocide recognition? Especially now that the army is killing Jummas and other chakmas in the name of ‘Peace’.
I asked someone else (a grown up, certainly not naive like me) about his thoughts on the CHT issue. His response was, ‘Oh the figures are overstated and the stories exaggerated’. So what kind of a death toll do you need for a genocide/ethnic cleansing to be taken seriously?
June 21st, 2008 at 6:40 pm
we common people are fine. i think kalpana’s broothers should embrace as brothers. 12 years are too long. they should forget. asking these trials are against the country’s development. blah blah blah ………
is it not the crap we preach?
June 23rd, 2008 at 1:44 am
Blogger ex-robot, what do you mean by ‘asking these trials are against the country’s development’ - you really see the outcry over the military-led killings of a minority group as going against the ‘development’ of Bangladesh?
And I should let Shonar Bangla turn into Roktatto Bangla and still my sobs over the loss of my brothers and sisters just because it will spoil your cosmetic sleep?
Wait, you’re just a robot doing your job for the military Government right?
You know, eventually even robots have been known to have been tried for crimes against humanity..
June 23rd, 2008 at 5:27 am
#10
I think robot was taking a jibe at me..for ‘crap’ that I ‘preach’about accepting how the common working classes of Pakistanis feel about us.
The point that robot has misunderstood is that I have never once said that the oppressor should not apologize or that the oppressed should’nt stop asking for trials and justice. But neither should the oppressed hold the oppressor as a representative of the latters whole ‘nation’ and ‘future generations’.
It won’t help Kalpana Chakma or her cause if her brothers now start hating all Bangladeshis for the crimes committed by Bangladesh Army.
June 24th, 2008 at 7:37 pm
[...] followed by two well-publicised fact finding reports. These reports also brought the Kalpana Chakma campaign in the forefront, once again, reviving her cause in the public domain. While activists are [...]
June 26th, 2008 at 2:12 pm
[...] - বিচারহীনতার ১২ বছর পূর্তি [এখানে এবং এখানে [...]
July 31st, 2008 at 2:50 am
I hear all the time about not asking for trials for war criminals stating the fact it has been so long. I am 37 year old. I am hearing this fore more than 25 years. I am tired of hearing it. I am sure some of us would say that same for Kalpana. It is never late to try a murderer. Yes If I do a murder that would be applicable for me.
Fariha
I hate the fact that our army killed many CHT ppl. But it is no way comparable to the kilings by pak army in 1971. (I am even refering to the claim 300,000 was killed in 1971, not 3,000,000).
How much pepople/mainstream media condemned the killing of Kalpana compared to the role of pak people/media in 1971?
July 31st, 2008 at 7:03 am
Robot,
The two instances cannot be compared in terms of numbers, YET. But the basic, underlying principle is the very same. Think about it.
As for comparing hue and cry, you have to put it in the context of the historical perspective of development in communication over the years. Given where we are now, I personally feel there isn’t enough hueand cry or clamour about the CHT issue, despite our all-out access to information on it.