Unheard Voices

Not the general public.
Nor the politicians.
Nor any professional bodies.

Yesterday a roundtable of random people (failed politicians, the reform party, 51 first class giving professor and passed sell by date intellectuals) urged for the formation of NSC. Those who are familiar with pattern of making laws and ordinances without any discussion or transparency now know that the standard formula is this.

1. Ask a professor to present a keynote paper favouring what you want.
2. Have a roundtable of people who are used to boot licking.
3. Call it “Gonodabi” and make the law.

In case of NSC, the first two has been concluded. The first paper calling for NSC was presented by Imtiaz Ahmed. Yesterday, the round table happened.

Last time, NSC was called for in Bangladesh was by Gen Ershad in February 1982, a month before the overthrowing of President Sattar, when Ershad wanted an institutional role for the miliary in Bangladesh for policy making.

Read the three news reports and you will get the gist.

Prothom Alo
Daily Star
New Nation

Who was present? The line up has the best of military bootlickers.

The organization which organized it also is a just floated organization and I am sure it will disappear after this meeting of after the passing of NSC ordinance.

The key note speaker was professor Ataur Rahman from the political science department. Does the name sound familiar? Remember the time when Gen Moeen U Ahmed a gave speech for the future of democracy in Bangladesh at the invitation of a no name organization. Yeap, it was headed by the same guy.
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For a long time, I thought it was just me. So, feeling a bit guilty, I told no-one about it. Thought it might fade with time. Then I realised it was here to stay. I’m talking of course of my secret fantasy of driving down Dhaka’s streets in a massive industrial digger. Yellow: it has to be yellow. Every time I come across an irritating driver, I simply scoop him up with my steel grey claw and hurl him, car and all, into a bush. Or alternatively roll over his vehicle like a tank and squash it.

Imagine my relief when, in a moment of weakness, I disclosed this to a close friend, an urbane and respected professional, only to have him reveal that he too had a personal fantasy. His involves having football stadium floodlights attached to his car. Each time someone comes up behind him with their headlights on full beam, he turns on his extra lights and dazzles them, He’s obviously thought this through in some detail, and adds, with a touch of relish, “I’d actually like to burn their retinas”.

Then, at a sophisticated dinner party one evening, I am chatting to an articulate woman, who seems the embodiment of politeness and charm. But in the course of the conversation, when I discuss my intention to write this article, she discloses that she has her own demonic side which only emerges in Dhaka traffic, letting slip that she occasionally dreams of having an automatic machine gun fitted to her car, so that she can simply wipe out those drivers who annoy her, in a hail of bullets.

It seems that Dhaka traffic brings out the worst in us, proving our careful cultivated social demeanour to be a thin veneer. Underneath all of us, the psychopath lurks, brought to the surface by the driving habits of our wonderful metropolis.

Read more here

In a city where women in general are constantly victimised because of their gender and living alone is considered strange and often looked down upon even for men; there are a few individuals — women in particular — who due to often practical reasons, have opted to break tradition and are unafraid to live their own lives, in their own space. These independent women have chosen to live on their own, without the immediate support system of their families or a male figure — those who decided to set their own rules and redefine their roles in society.

Have you had similar experience that you would like to share?

More

On March 25th, Ain Salish Kendra (ASK) released the 2007 Annual Human Rights Report. In the Chapter on CHT Paharis and Flatland Adivasis, following 7 topics were covered. On March 27th, the CTG announced a removal of the ban on mobile phones (item # 4).

1.Death in Custody: Eco-Park activist Cholesh Richil
2.Racial Profiling: Army Operations, Ranglai Mro, DANIDA kidnapping
3.Right to Property: Bengali settlers and land grabbing
4.Right to Information: Continuing ban on mobile phones, limited reporting on CHT
5.1997 Peace Accord: Continuing Non-implementation
6.Legal Challenge to Peace Accord
7.Voter List implementation in violation of Peace Accord (more…)

A much awaited welcome move by the government.

CA announces mobile connectivity for CHT

Thu, Mar 27th, 2008 5:14 pm BdST
Rangamati, March 27 (bdnews24.com)—Chief adviser Fakhruddin Ahmed
Thursday announced a government decision to introduce mobile
connectivity to municipal areas of the three CHT districts.

“Establishing mobile networks in the hill areas is a long-running
demand by people. The government has decided to introduce mobile
networks to the municipal areas of the three hills districts,”
Fakhruddin told a discussion meeting with government officials and
local civil-society representatives, at the Tribal Cultural Institute
in Rangamati.

The CA also said: “The CHT peace agreement was signed in 1997 to
uphold the educational, cultural, social and political rights in the
hill areas like other areas of the country. The present government has
taken different steps in continuation of the agreement.”

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GenocideBangladesh.org launches from today.

http://www.genocidebangladesh.org/

Heartiest congratulations to the organizers for this monumental effort.

The wounds of a war run much deeper than the physical manifestations of the destruction it leaves behind. There is emotional scarring – the mental trauma of a people who have seen the unforgettable, and are haunted by their dreams. But how does that fit into the history of that people, and of that country? In the case of 1971, much has been remembered, of course, and has been significant to the construction of the Bangladeshi nationalist narrative – the heroism of the Mukti Bahini, the brutality of the West Pakistani army, and the euphoria of 16 December 1971. But much also has been forgotten: the non-Bengalis of East Pakistan, the fate of those who opposed the Awami League, the women who were raped and abandoned.

There is little doubt of the immense human tragedy that accompanied 1971. But, as with 1947, such human tragedy was also accompanied by great hope and celebration – the birth of a new nation, and, for many, liberation from oppression. However, the Bangladeshi dream has not quite gone the way it was originally envisioned, and Bangladesh has spent many years under military rule, including today. Perhaps the final question to ponder has to do with the legacies of 1971. Do the divisions that surfaced in 1971 carry with them a portent of what is to come? And, in perhaps the bitterest of ironies, why has Bangladesh’s political history, in the 35 years since independence, begun to resemble that of Pakistan?

Read more by Antara Dutta here

High school students recollect Ameerjan’s contribution in an essay competition in Drishtipat women of 71 campaign.

Click here to see the actual essay in Bangla on Ameerjan’s sacrifice.

We remember today, with pride and tears!

Echoing Shadakalo and other bloggers — We will not forget and we will not let you forget.

Full report will be published here shortly

Ain o Salish Kendra, a human rights and legal service commission, in its annual report on human rights in Bangladesh, 2007 says the government’s record has been inconsistence and contradictory.

The report has been summarised mentioning that human rights violation, marginalisation of minority communities and harassment of indigenous communities in different areas including Chittagong Hill Tracts continued like previous years. Moreover, the role of army and intelligence agencies in rights violation remained opaque and officially undocumented.

The report in a cooperative analysis says rights appear to be violated in the pursuit of a law and order agenda and the prevention of corruption when it happened during the tenure of previous political governments to serve the interests of corrupt individuals or political parties or some other reasons.

Questions have been raised over neutrality of the military-backed caretaker government in relation to Islamist groups, as right wing religious groups have been able to stage street demonstrations on occasions with impunity.

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Background

On March 19th, the first anniversary of Cholesh’s death was observed. or was it? Didn’t hear a word about it any where. In this one year, we have seen Universtiy teachers getting 2 year imprisonment for doing a silent procession (and then pardoned), we have seen “anti corruption” drives to bring rule of law in the country. But what we have not gotten is justice for Chalesh and family. In stead, his family got 30,000 taka and a sewing machine.

Human rights groups demanded publication of the inquiry report of the killing of Choles Ritchil and punishment to the culprits

On 28 February 2008 in a press conference, five prominent human rights bodies in Bangladesh, namely, Ain O Salish Kedra (ASK), Bangladesh Legal Aid and Services Trust (BLAST), Association of Land Reform and Development (ALRD), Nijera Kori and Bangladesh Environment Lawyer Association (BELA) demanded immediate publication of the judicial inquiry report of the killing of indigenous leader Mr. Choles Ritchil and punishment to the persons involved with this incident.
Ms. Sultana Kamal, former Advisor of Caretaker Government and Executive Director of ASK presided over the conference. A written statement was read out by Mr. Sayeed Ahmed, Coordinator of ASK. Among others, eminent human rights activist Dr. Hamida Hossain, Executive Director of BLAST Mr. Taslimur Rahman, Executive Director of ALRD Mr. Shamsul Huda, Coordinator of Nijera Kori Ms. Khushi Kabir and senior lawyer Mr. Iqbal Kabir were present at the press conference. It is mentionable that Mr Choles Ritchil was tortured to death in the custody of the joint forces at Khakraid under Modhupur police station in Tangail district on 18 March 2007.
In their press statement, the human rights bodies expressed their frustration over the government attitudes after the killing of Mr. Choles Ritchil. They said that though 10 months have been passed after the incident, but judicial inquiry committee formed by the government did not publish its report so far. For the sake of justice, the report of the inquiry committee should be published soon and the culprits should be punished accordingly, they demanded.
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I saw this article on the CHT on the BBC website today:

“According to the UN’s development programme, about 125,000 people have been affected by food shortages and the rats.
Some have started to receive aid, but unless more arrives soon these people will be cut off from the outside world, without any food to eat for months.”

AFP beat them to the punch though last month:
“Thousands of people in remote southeast Bangladesh are facing famine after a plague of rats destroyed their crops, forcing families to rely on dwindling food stocks, officials said.

Flowering of bamboo forests for the first time in 50 years in areas along the border with India has led to a so-called “rat-flood” — rodents who have multiplied in number by feeding on bamboo blossoms, rice stalks and vegetables.”

A plague of rats, of all things! It was as if we didn’t have enough to contend with, after going through last summer’s flooding and Sidr, on top of the political-economic storms that have continued unabated for what seems like forever. Bangladesh is always recovering from one disaster or another. If we spend all our time getting back up after getting knocked, when are we expected to get on with the business of development?

This brings us to the first point of this post: we need to reorient our strategic planning from being adaptive (reactive) to be more forward-looking (proactive). From what I gather, the warning systems and shelters that we have on the coast saved countless lives this past cyclone. But those measures all came into being after several brutally hard lessons. If past governments had made those strategic investments in early warning systems and damage control infrastructure earlier, would the human cost of Sidr have been as high as they are now? Could equivalent warning and mitigation strategies been developed for last summer’s flood, or for the floods that are sure to come this summer?

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I have known Matin Shaheb since 1995. He used to run a cornerstore in the western city where I studied. His son Ananda is a few years younger than me, so in the traditional Deshi fashion I called him uncle. They are from old Dhaka and Keraniganj, and you’d know it from Mrs Matin’s - Saleha aunty’s - biriyani. Ananda is married now, and has a kid too. I don’t think they still run the shop, but I do know that they are the kind of honest, harworking folks whose remittances are keeping our economy afloat.

This post is about a few e-mails I received from Matin Shaheb lately.

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By Priscilla Raj

[Editorial note: Priscilla set off to find the real impact of price rise in the most poverty stricken region of Bangladesh -- the extreme Southern part of the country in the remotest of chars. This series, the partial cost for which is being borne by this blog, is a reflection on that trip. Hope you will find this series, the first of which is being published today, to be interesting and fascinating as this is a part of the country whose voice is often unheard in our conversations ]

To the Extreme South

I had been wondering how people are coping with the present price hike. Every day each of the daily life commodities - rice, flour, puffed rice, pressed rice, oil, vegetables, sugar, milk - is getting ever expensive. When any fuss about lowering of price of any commodity is heard, it is only about reducing one or two taka per kg or litre. One day an old woman begging told me that she could not buy rice for several days because she did not get enough alms. In such families people usually buy rice or other bare necessities on daily basis. What she told meant that either her family did not eat rice for the days they failed to procure or ate insufficient. I thought if that is the case in Dhaka what is the situation in the remote parts of the country? Already there are rumors that a silent famine has started in certain pockets of the country. I am not an extensive newspaper reader; still I have a feeling that there might be a lack of on-the-whole scenario of the country from which we can understand how people are plying through their life in present time. I felt that traveling several corners of the country may give me a better picture. I had started my journey from Dhalchor, the southernmost island of the country under Bhola, the island district.

I had almost an opposite picture in Dhalchor though.

We had started for Dhalchor on February 17 (2008). The route was from Bhola to Char Fashon by bus. From there to Dakhkhin Aicha also by bus. From there to Char Kachchapia by rickshaw. From there to Dhalchor by boat. Afjal, the local young journalist accompanied me. Our bus started from Bhola bus stand at seven in the morning. A ten-minute break on the way for breakfast and reached Char Fashon little past ten. Char Fashon is an Upazila of Bhola district. Dhalchor is an island under Char Kukrimukri of Char Fashon Upazila.

Char Fashon was at one time an island separate from Bhola island. All these big and small islands are in the mouth of Meghna River where it meets the Bay of Bengal. Silt deposition over the years has joined some of the islands like Bhola and Char Fashon. So you don’t have to cross any river to go to Char Fashion from Bhola.

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Hassan Ariff says NSC is coming. We are approaching end times
National Security Council will be formed: Hassan Ariff

Thu, Mar 20th, 2008 8:31 pm BdST
Dhaka, March 20 (bdnews24.com) – The caretaker administration is considering forming a National Security Council to tackle law and order issues and national disasters, law adviser AF Hassan Ariff said Thursday. Potential members of the council include the president, the prime minister, the leader of the opposition and representatives of the armed forces, the adviser told reporters in his land ministry office. Ariff, who is also land adviser, failed to say when the national security council might come into being. “The matter is being discussed. No draft proposal on the formation of such a council has reached the law ministry or the cabinet from the home ministry,” said Ariff. The adviser, however, confirmed the Truth Commission would be formed in a month: “It seems that the Anticorruption Commission does not have any reservations about it.” The Truth Commission, also known as the ‘accountability commission’, is intended to facilitate legal investigations and trials. bdnews24.com/ahd/ehb/my/am/2000 hours

We can now confirm that cartoonist Arif has been freed and he is out of jail after languishing there for 6 months. A Dhaka magistrate asked authorities Thursday to free Arifur Rahman. We should mention, however, here that his release did not just happen painlessly. In this complex case, there were months of lobbying, advocacy and most importantly court battles that had to be fought. Barrister Sara Hossain and her team, who fought for Arif and continued to remind us of his case deserve our heartfelt gratitude for their courage and persistence. When the issue moved off the headlines and everyone forgot about this young chap, Sara and her team kept on fighting the lonely legal battles. Months ago when High court deemed his arrest illegal, there was a snide comment in the drishtipat blog about how inconsequential that verdict was. But what that comment failed to appreciate was the combined effort from the lawyers to step through each legal obstacle surrounding his release and that it was part of the incremental steps towards a long court battle in Bangladesh’s complex legal web. We should also mention the losers — the newspapers who refused to publish any op-eds or editorials asking for his release for “technical reasons”.

Solidarity to all who fought for his case in all fronts — via blogs, writing letters, faxes and through international lobbying and most importantly on the legal front.