Fri 14 Dec 2007
Zafar Sobhan
Another year, another December 14. Once again, we mourn the loss of the intellectuals butchered on that day as well as the hundreds of others who were hunted down, tortured, and killed during the course of the none months long liberation war. And once again, once December 14 is safely behind us, we conveniently forget the martyred intellectuals for another year, and go back to our everyday lives.
December 16 will be no different, though the mood will be more festive and celebratory than somber and solemn. We will all fly Bangladeshi flags and lay wreaths and attend functions and watch television programs extolling the bravery of all those who fought and gave their lives for our freedom.
We will honour their memory and patriotism and pride will stir in our hearts, and then we will return to the actual living reality that is Bangladesh today. The living, breathing reality, which neither honours nor respects our martyrs or our heroes or anyone or anything else that should be precious and sacred to our hearts.
It has been written before, by writers far better than I could ever hope to be, but it bears repeating again and again, that so much we have done and continue to do, from our failure to try the war criminals and collaborators, to their rehabilitation, to permitting them to enter politics, to actually tolerating them in our government — is an insult to the memory all those who fought and died in 1971.
Enough ink has been spilled and enough tears have been shed over this travesty. Perhaps it is simply time to accept the awful truth about ourselves: that we are a country that doesn’t respect our past or honour our history. It is a shame, and I do not want to believe it, but perhaps the time has come to look into the mirror and admit that this is who we are.
Or perhaps it is who we have been for the past thirty-six years. But that doesn’t mean it is who we have to be forever. Though if we do not act now, I fear that we will be, and that our failure here will continue to be what defines us and our destinies.
But there are glimmers of hope on the horizon. Of late, at long last, there has been much talk of finally, once and for all, trying the war criminals and collaborators, to ban anti-liberation elements from politics. The Liberation War sector commanders have united behind this demand, and the people are with them. For whatever reason, no political government ever did what needed to be done, but maybe, just maybe, the current interim government will.
The interim government has had a mixed record in the eleven months it has been in power. It has done some things well, others not so well. It has presided over incredibly difficult times, flood, cyclone, global rice in food prices, global rise in oil prices, and the times are not going to get any better any time soon.
As such, the government needs all the support that it can get.
One of the reasons it has not had as much support as it might have has been due to some of the actions it has taken (or not taken), and the consequent perception that it is showing partiality, and, most importantly, that it remains soft on the pseudo-Islamic elements within the polity.
The problem is not simply, for instance, its heavy-handed treatment of the DU and RU teachers and students, which met with almost universal criticism. That would be bad enough for the government.
But this is compounded by the fact that the government has seemingly given pseudo-Islamic protestors a free pass when they have taken to the streets in violation of the state of emergency. Eminent DU Professor Anisuzzaman was absolutely right when he stated earlier this week: “We have seen the protestors against the daily Prothom Alo. None of them was arrested or convicted.”
The current government will continue to have problems. It will continue to face difficult situations which would test any government. It will continue to face opposition from AL and BNP hard-liners. It will continue to face opposition from the left. It will continue to face opposition from civil libertarians and democrats of every shade and stripe, and not all of them will be merely opportunistic shills: honest, conscientious, thoughtful, committed men and women will also oppose them.
The government thus needs all the help it can get. It needs to shore up its support, and, more importantly, it needs to shore up its credibility.
The best way, as I have been arguing myself blue in the face for the past 11 months, is to show that it is on the side of the people. Pro-people polices will go a long way to easing public anxiety.
The government should also ease up on civil liberties and understand that to do so will help it, not hurt it. Loosening up on the media and permitting at least some level of political activity will actually do far more good for the government’s image than any possible damage it might suffer as a consequence.
But another important thing for this government to do, which is past overdue, would be to demonstrate boldly and forthrightly that it is not a front for reactionary forces. This means not giving the Jamaat a pass when it comes to the anti-corruption crackdown. This means not giving Hizbut Tahrir a pass when it holds street demonstrations in open defiance of the emergency. This means taking a strong stand against war criminals and anti-liberation elements.
When the government refuses to pursue the Jamaat with the vigour that it has gone after the other parties, people begin to wonder.
When the government permits pseudo-Islamics to protest in the streets and threaten violence with impunity, people begin to wonder.
When the government high-handedly dismisses the possibility of action against war criminals, people begin to wonder.
The government does not need to make any more people wonder about it or to doubt its good intentions. Taking concrete measures to bring war criminals to book and to ban them from politics would be a superb way to show to all the doubters that the government is on the side of the people.
With a single stroke, the government has a golden opportunity to renew the people’s faith in its good intentions. With a single stroke, by doing something no elected government ever did, the government could fully justify its continued tenure and demonstrate its commitment to the Bangladeshi people.
If this government does it, then the men and women who comprise it will go down in history and will be honoured forevermore. Of everything else they do or do not do, this will be remembered and this will be appreciated by generations of Bangladeshis to come.
And the credibility the government will gain thereby will help it immeasurably in achieving all its other goals. I simply do not understand why it would not take this single step. It is the right thing to do — and it is the smart thing to do.
So this is my plea to the interim government on this December 14: show the nation that that you are on our side. Silence the doubters and the nay-sayers. The time has come. Demonstrate to the people that you are true patriots and that you mean business. Cometh the hour, cometh the man.
Zafar Sobhan is Assistant Editor, The Daily Star.
December 15th, 2007 at 5:36 pm
Dear ZS,
I would like to antiphrase your last line, “Cometh the hour, cometh the man” by saying, ” Time had gone, It is 36 years; Man had gone, He is Sheik Mujib”
How crap it is to think that time has cometh after 36 years of independence and how crap it is to think that military Moeen is the man to manage this jaggernaut of exhuming the dead issue of trying war-criminals and bring the war-criminals in books!
When you sincerely urge, plea or solicit this PIG [paramilitary interim government] I just chuckle. All these are wistful thinking[Auronnay Rodhan. And this kind of unrealistic demand to this quasi-constitutional government reminds me the Bengali proverb " Haati Ghora Gelo Tol, Chamchika Bole Kota Jaal"
You guys, the so called intellectuals always speak the lies eloquently. You say the entire nation are now desperate in demanding of trial of the war-criminals. It's a damn lie. I'm and the millions like me don't have that illusive suicidal demand. Don't you think that we are part of the nation! Are we still Pakistani or aliens!
This demand is totally irrational because real culprits or the criminals of Pakistani Army [195] had been pardoned by tri-states agreement. Keeping the Pakistani criminals out of this domain of war-criminal trial will be the grand mockery of justice and it’’s beyond the scope.
Just couple of days before I read an article of Nirmul Shen where he said war criminals were never pardoned. In the same vein all left-linient elites raise the same chorus. They say even Shiek Mujib didn’t forgave the war-criminals. I humbly ask those, do you think that none of the Pakistani army [195] including Yahya, Bhutto, Tikka, Niazi, Rao forman Ali so on were not crimials? Only Golam Azam, Nizami, and Mujaheed were the war criminals! What the so called intellectuals brain have inside their skull bone, totally empty or full of rubbish!
When you say about the sector commanders I see them as couple of mushrooms compared to Sheik Mujib, the biggest bannyan tree. Sheik Mujib has the better vision than those mushroom-like leaders. He did the right thing at the right time. Otherwise, the country could have been Palestine, Lebanon, Iraq, Afganistan etc.
If we are not smart enough in our thoughts and actions, there is still the profound possibility of us being the failed state and retrograding to the state of the afore-mentioned states. And our enemies very much wish and try that hard for us.
Thanks.
December 15th, 2007 at 7:35 pm
First of all I want to thank Zafar for his analysis.
But Zafar before making any demand to this Military+Civil Elites back Govt I want to bring ourselves in special tribunal of our conscious and spirit.
Basically another 14th December gone. Professor Alim Chowdhury, Dr GC Dev, Shaidullah Kaisers are coming to our dream in every day and I think they curse us to
see our hypocrisies and bankruptcy as a nation.
Zafar before demanding the trial for the War criminals and all to an unelected regime, do
you really believe we want to see Moti Mullah and Mullah Mujahid In trial?
You have given the reference of Huji procession on the street, But what was the stand of our great editor Motiur Rahman while he was knee banding in front of Khatib
and have declared a talented young Cartoonist as Criminal .
This same Moti was crying about the agreement
of Al and IOG. I don’t say AL has done right thing.
But I believe People like Motiur Rahman and
all want Al or left Force should do such mistake.
What do you say about people like Dr Kamal while he refers student movement of DU as
political conspiracy?
He is such a prominent lawyer . is he not misguiding the nations with out any proof?
What about professor Yunus who is openly giving A+ to Yes Uddin.
Problem is that our current civil society can’t be the next generation of Shahid Budhdhi Jibi.They even could not get the legacy of Kabir Chowdhury, Shamsur Rahman,
Humayun Azad or Muntasir Mamun.
Once respected Dr Akbar Ali khan wrote in Shamokal if Civil society starts to do politics they can’t be told Civil society.
Can you expect the support of such editor who openly asked Military to take power.
Can you show one proof that Editors of The Hindu or The Strait Times are asking their army to take over the power.
Basically Our leadership of Civil society is completely on wrong hand. If the mind set of
ours is not change I am not at all optimistic on the trial of War Criminals
December 16th, 2007 at 6:16 am
Bitter boy #1
I am not sure for whom you are serving for . But according to you what is alive issue.
Sorry to say that your baseless accusation & Logic are not accepted.
December 16th, 2007 at 7:42 pm
Thank you for this really well written and timely piece! Even if the current regime may not be the proper authority to make your case to, given the nascent but growing mass support for the cause of trying the war criminals, I see some hope that the next democratically (or should we just say politically?) elected govt may be forced to take it seriously.
That is to say, if we don’t let ourselves be distracted by rogue elements and/or a few intellectual midgets, we should be able to enlist the Trial of Razakars as one of the key agenda for the next party that wants to get elected.
And if we don’t get an election any time soon, as many of us fear, then we’ll have no other choice than forcing this very regime to address this issue. Either way, we shall have to continue amassing support (of which there is plenty — what’s missing is our general lack of trust in ANY of our govts to do the right thing) and raising public awareness so that our energies and efforts are well focused. And time is running out, we are losing crucial evidence as well as witnesses.
At the bottom of it all, again, is the same basic question, “Where is our moral compass, and what direction does it point to?”
December 17th, 2007 at 1:28 am
As a response to: The best way, as I have been arguing myself blue in the face for the past 11 months, is to show that it is on the side of the people. Pro-people polices will go a long way to easing public anxiety
Question to the author: How can a government, not even chosen by the people, be on the side of the people? Has it taken you 11 months to concede to an unelected government supress people’s fundamental rights. YOUR SILENCE is exactly how injustice is being institutionalized.
December 17th, 2007 at 3:36 am
Daily Star, which writes to please the military, would do itself well, to read New Age’s article by Nurul Kabir:
Unfreedom,
36 years on…
Bangladesh, under a prolonged ‘emergency’ with the constitutional rights of the citizens remaining suspended, is now exposed to a situation where the state does not exist as a republic.
by Nurul Kabir
The people of Bangladesh, who secured military victory over the occupational army of Pakistan on this day 36 years ago with a view to politically organising themselves as a democratic republic to realise their political, economic and cultural potentials, are now reeling under the rule of an unelected authority, which is practically accountable to no one.
The unelected authority, the ‘non-party caretaker government’ of Dr Fakhruddin Ahmed in other words, has been making decisions on matters of national importance without consulting the people – an idea which is absolutely inconsistent with the notion of democratic republicanism. The armed forces, which had midwifed the birth of the interim government in question in January this year, and presently said to be calling the shots, also remain unaccountable for their deeds and misdeeds for months now – a proposition which is bound to appear as a major impediment towards the need of democratising society and the state. The two unaccountable authorities – the civilian caretaker government and the politically active military junta – have, on the other hand, snatched away the civil, political and cultural rights of the citizens who are actually supposed to have the final say on matters of public importance in a republican democratic dispensation. The citizens’ fundamental rights, guaranteed by the constitution of the republic, have been kept in abeyance by enforcing a ‘state of emergency’ for so many months now, and that too in the name of improving on democratic governance.
The rulers of the day and their protagonists fail to understand, or perhaps prefer not to understand, the fact that when a people politically organise themselves as a nation state, what they actually do is that they form a political association on the basis of their ‘popular will,’ which is manifested in the constitution of the state. The Bengalis, sitting on the debris of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan after the victory over the latter’s occupational army in December in 1971, desired to politically organise themselves as a democratic republic on the basis of a constitution. The constitution of a state is nothing more or less than a set of conditionalities for the perpetuation of the political association of the people, or a republic in other words. That Bengalis decided to shape their political association in the tune of a ‘democratic republic’ suggests clearly that the popular will of the people was in favour of the citizens playing the decision-making role, through their elected representatives, in running the affairs of the state, and secondly, they made sure that the basic democratic rights of the citizens are clearly laid down in the articles of the constitution of the state. The rights included, among many others, the right to freedom of speech and expression, right to assembly to protest against injustice – political, economic or cultural – etc.
Now, as and when the constitutional provisions obligating the state to ensure the citizens rights get suspended, the people’s political association called ‘democratic republic’ ceases to exist automatically. Under such a circumstance, the state gets divorced from the people and thus loses political legitimacy, while the managers of such a state, which is not organically owned by the people, can in no way claim to be running the affairs of the state on the basis of people’s mandate. Bangladesh, under a prolonged ‘emergency’ with the constitutional rights of the citizens remaining suspended, is now exposed to a situation where the state does not exist as a republic. But what is ironic is that the head of the caretaker government, Fakhruddin Ahmed, claimed only the other day, on November 14, that the continued ‘state of emergency’ does not have any adverse implications on public life. ‘I don’t think the common people are facing any problems due to continuation of the state of emergency,’ Fakhruddin reportedly told a group of journalists. While Fakhruddin may well be sincere in disclosing his understanding of the situation, no democratic being attending even the kindergarten of political history can afford to ignore such an anti-people statement coming from the head of a modern government, and that too, of a perceived ‘people’s democratic republic.’
The people of Bangladesh named December 16 as ‘victory day,’ understandably because on this day in 1971 the occupation forces of autocratic Pakistan was officially defeated by the resistance of the freedom fighters aspiring to set up a people’s republic in our geographical territory. It was a victory against the Pakistani rulers’ refusal to honour the people’s mandate to govern the country, against their refusal to put an end to the economic disparity between the citizens spread over two wings of Pakistan, and their refusal to recognise the cultural identity as well as aspirations of the Bengalis – then the majority of Pakistan’s population. Clearly, the freedom, democratic freedom that is, was the prime aspiration of the Bengalis behind their victorious war of national independence, which was eventually manifested, to a large extent, in the constitution of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh. But 36 years after the victory, the constitution guaranteeing the promises of fulfilling the aspirations remains suspended, which means there is no freedom. John Locke rightly pointed out in his Two Treaties of Government: ‘…where there is no Law, there is no freedom.’
The loss of freedom on the part of the citizens is bound to have adverse economic implications on national life as well. That the economic activities under the present regime has stagnated, investments reduced by alarming rates, and thus job opportunities squeezed, inflation crept up, etc could well be attributed to the authoritarian rule of the present regime. It is not for no reason that Nobel laureate economist Amartya Sen asserts in his work Development as Freedom that ‘development requires the removal of major sources of unfreedom: poverty as well as tyranny, poor economic opportunities as well as systemic social deprivation, neglect of public facilities as well as intolerance or overactivity of repressive states.’
The government of Fakhruddin Ahmed and its military associates are free to propagate otherwise, claiming that they have brought in revolutionary changes in various sectors including the economy – a propaganda which is quite in the air. But, to put it in Aldous Huxley’s words, ‘facts do not cease to exist because they are ignored.’ The fact remains that the country’s economy has lost momentum since the takeover of power by the military-controlled apolitical government of Fakhruddin, while key to restoration of the economic activities lies with the lifting of the emergency in an emergency basis and handing over power in the quickest possible time.
Despite the interim government’s weird claim that continued emergency, or unfreedom of the citizens in other words, is not a problem for the people at large, we are well aware of the fact that the incumbents have been continuously breaching a fundamental contract with the citizens. The citizens, as described earlier, formed the political association called ‘people’s democratic republic’ by entering into contract, a social contract that is, among themselves, while the ‘conditions’ of the contract are being laid down in the constitution of the republic. The condition relating to the tenure of a non-party caretaker government is precisely ninety days, during which the caretakers are obligated to hand over power to a government elected directly by the people. The current caretakers have not only failed to hold elections within the constitutionally mandated time frame, they have also determined a time frame of their own, December 2008, or to put it differently, fixed their own tenure for, as it theoretically appears, an unlimited period! Notably, the rule of law, the other name of democratic principles, never ever allows any government, elected or otherwise, an indefinite tenure.
The two treatises-famed John Locke had his solution to such breach of contract by the authoritarian rulers. In his view, ‘earthly rulers derive their rights not from God, but from contracts made by men, and that the people have a right to rebel against a ruler who betrays that contract.’
However, rebellion against the rulers clinging to power beyond constitutional mandate should not be for the sake of rebellion only. The rebellion has to be associated with a clear objective of reconstructing a state, in Max Weber’s words, ‘in the sense of a political association with a rational, written constitution, rationally ordained law, and an administration bound to rational rules or laws, administered by trained officials.’ The reconstruction of the people’s republic remains a key primary step toward democratic emancipation of the people, while this remains the task of those who really believe that our freedom fighters had waged the war for freedom 36 years ago to ensure pervasive political, economic and cultural freedoms for the people so that the people can realise their creative human potentials collectively within the framework of rule of law. And for us, at New Age, ‘rule of law’ of means unambiguous equality of citizens before the law that ensures equal social, political and economic opportunities for all the citizens – irrespective of gender, faith and colour.
http://www.newagebd.com/2007/dec/16/victoryday07/v01.html
December 17th, 2007 at 4:51 am
[...] twist it to use to their own ends. Nor should we have to approach our government humbly singing paeans and begging their favors. We are free men, and our stature as free men requires us to chart our own [...]
December 17th, 2007 at 6:48 pm
#1
Bitterboy, I agree with your analysis. I have trouble understanding with new set of demand for trial of war criminals. I do think all the war criminals should have been tried right after 1971. Is AL trying to gain “cheap popularity”? Or, trying to gain sympathy of this Army-Caretaker-Interim government? Or, is it another plot of “Third Power” to destabilize the nation.
Why the main War criminals (Pak Army) were never brought into justice? Thoery: Pakistani Army were kind of “Untouchables.” Political leaders were unable to keep them in bangladesh for trial. So, our so called “freash leaders” are trying to bring the petty criminals into court, by accusing them for all war-related charges. Goebles once said, “If you repeat a lie five times, public will accept it as a truth.”
Now I demand bring all the war criminals (including Pak Army, Pak government officers who had contributed to 1971 libertaion war)to bangladesh and try them for their crime. Even if they are not availble, lets try them in absentia. At least, truth will come out.
December 22nd, 2007 at 4:57 pm
response to ms. hossain:
i think i have been writing about these issues from the start.
please take a look, for example, at this piece i wrote one week after 1/11:
http://www.thedailystar.net/2007/01/19/d70119020326.htm
or this one, written at the end of march (as it happens, between the time it was written and the time it hit the stands, the jmb militants mentioned had been executed):
http://www.thedailystar.net/2007/03/30/d70330020328.htm