Thu 13 Sep 2007
The BBC Urdu service’s Masud Alam says a contempt for the law has always permeated throughout Pakistan’s ruling class. Does this have any truth for our Bangladeshi ruling class?
Senior government functionaries in Pakistan are fond of complaining, in private, that the nation they are serving is averse to following the dictates of law.
That if something does not work in this country it is because the common man does not follow the system.
Lack of education, lack of discipline and lack of respect for the law are just some of the misdemeanours on the part of a populace that hampers the pace of progress.
A section of Pakistanis - the so-called educated and those living abroad - also subscribe to this preposterous notion.
But in truth, things could not be more different.
‘A few drops’
It is the incompetence of the bureaucracy, the ignorance of lawmakers, the greed of the military for power and riches - combined with a glaring contempt for the law on the part of all three groups - that has created and then compounded the social anarchy that everyone is now forced to live in.There is no law in this country that cannot be or has not been broken by the very people who made them, and those whose job it is to implement them.
Take the law banning alcohol, for instance. It was introduced by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, the first elected prime minister and the modern, liberal and democratic face of Pakistan in the 70s.
Bhutto is also the man who publicly admitted that he did not mind downing a few drops after a hard day’s work.
Another prime minister, Nawaz Sharif, took the oath of office that emphasises the protection of life and property of every citizen.
He then proceeded to allow a team of American security men to raid a hotel in a Pakistani city, kidnap a Pakistani national, drive him to Islamabad, put him in a plane and fly off to the US.
The suspect, Aimal Kasi, was wanted by the Americans on charges of killing two CIA officials. The US wanted to bring him to justice at any cost. And the Pakistani PM was eager to please the Americans at any cost - in this case the cost was trashing the judicial system of his own country.
The same prime minister sent a team of party officials, including sitting parliamentarians, to storm the Supreme Court building and break into the court room where a petition against the PM was being heard.
The so-called National Accountability Bureau has in the past few years apprehended several high ranking politicians on charges of corruption, but if they agreed to join the military government - and almost all of them did - they were not only conveniently forgotten, some were made federal ministers.
Passing the baton
Three times in the history of this young country, the army chief has led a coup against a civilian government. The constitution was on each occasion trampled under military boots, even though it defines such actions as acts of “high treason”.
Each military dictator seeks to pass on the baton to another, much like handing family treasures to the next generation.
The message that reaches the masses is: there is no law of the land and we have no rights, except what we can grab for ourselves.
The rulers, their coterie and functionaries, are the law. They will apply the writ when they see fit and they will overlook when it is wise to do so.
The people of this country have learnt to live in a system heavily skewed against them. They look for short cuts, they bribe their way, they use friends’ and family’s influence, they lie through their teeth, they plead and they threaten because there is no straightforward way to get things done.
To label these people “law breakers” is then adding insult to injury if the labeller is from the ruling class. Because in this country, laws are not made “for the people”, more often than not they are made to be used “against” them.
It’s the ruling class that routinely breaks the law and considers it a privilege
It is therefore only natural for people to break these laws whenever they can get away with it.
Conversely, if you provide an environment where the regulations aim to provide comfort and protection to the users, and the laws they produce are clearly communicated and fairly and firmly applied, the people of Pakistan will be as law abiding as any other people in the world.
This is the background that explains the relief and joy of the common man at the reinstatement of Justice Iftikhar Mohammed Chaudhry as the chief justice of Pakistan.
For the first time the law has not sided with the law makers. For the first time, a powerful government headed by a serving general has failed to subvert the judiciary. And for the first time, people have come out on the street, in their hundreds of thousands, in support of the rule of law.
These masses were not motivated by some charismatic political leader. It was the unity of lawyers all over the country, and their objective of upholding the law, that got the attention of the people.
The Supreme Court’s landmark decision, striking down the presidential charge sheet against the chief justice, is indeed a watershed in the history of Pakistan.
It has proved conclusively that the people of this country want justice. They believe in the need for laws, and they are capable of respecting them.
It is the ruling class that routinely breaks the law and considers it a privilege. These are the people who, for a change, are now fearful of the application of law under an independent judiciary.
The people of Pakistan do not expect an overnight sea change in their circumstances at the hands of a born-again judiciary. It is the prospect of law finally catching up with the real law breakers, that they find so irresistibly sweet.
September 13th, 2007 at 4:54 pm
This is probably the most relevant issue for the current mess in Bangladesh: corruption not only at the top, but through to the bottom. Of course, our learned (ie univ educated) middle class showed the way. The moneyed elite is always corrupt, across the globe (now don’t you label me as a Marxist: just look at corporate greed in the US and see how far its tentacles have reached). But we intellectuals indulged in what many lamented as “mulyabodher abakhsay” — most of the corrupt politicians/police officers in BD come from the lowest economic stratum, and if it were not for the corrupt but educated bureaucrats, they would not have succeeded in dominating today’s politics as well as law enforcement.
On a related note: this HR blog site should focus on the most critical issue no one seems to be too much bothered about: the Caretaker Govt should not and cannot promulgate new laws that are really the parvenu of an elected law-making body… such as giving Biharis the citizenship (I’m FOR giving them this right) — these are fundamental issues to be debated in the Parliament. Similarly, serious national decisions, such as selling of mining rights, energy policy (power plant contracts), deep-sea port, etc should not be even remotely touched by the CG. They should not be even handing out licenses for new TV/mobile/industrial plants!
The CG SHOULD definitely, however, apply existing laws to prosecute all criminals to the maximum in order to facilitate a clean election.
However, any law by fiat of any Mainul or MoeenU has little value in the long run, as all of these could be annulled by a later Sangsad, if it is ever constituted through a democratic process again.
I personally think, however, another great deluge of the Biblical nature (this time due to Global Warming) may take place before that and solve all our problems once and for all. Let’s talk about planned migration instead.
September 13th, 2007 at 8:31 pm
Correction to my response (#1): please replace the world “parvenu” by purview — thanks a bunch! NRB
September 14th, 2007 at 8:20 am
FROM THE FT:
Struggle for power in Pakistan
By Jo Johnson
Published: September 13 2007 18:40 | Last updated: September 13 2007 18:40
Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto, former prime ministers of Pakistan, have chosen very different strategies for their return to their homeland, ruled since 1999 by the US-backed General Pervez Musharraf.
Mr Sharif, the leader of Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) whom Gen Musharraf had exiled, has played an outsider’s game, seeking to unseat the army chief through confrontation, on the streets and in the courts. In contrast, Ms Bhutto, encouraged by Washington, has opted for an inside track, risking the credibility of her Pakistan People’s party by seeking a power-sharing deal with the unpopular dictator turned president.
Ms Bhutto is poised on Friday to announce her return, after Mr Sharif on Monday spectacularly failed in his attempt to enter the country. He now languishes under house arrest in Jedda.
But even though he was unceremoniously deported within hours of his arrival at Islamabad airport on an overnight flight from London, it is too early to write off Mr Sharif. He has challenged the deportation order in the supreme court, which, in a seismic ruling, last month pre-emptively declared that the former prime minister enjoyed an “inalienable right to return [to] and remain” in Pakistan.
The court’s decision said the terms of Mr Sharif’s exile, outlined in a deal guaranteed by Saudi Arabia, had no force in law. Signed in 2000, the arrangement saw Gen Musharraf give Mr Sharif a “conditional pardon” for alleged crimes including the “hijacking” of the army chief’s aircraft, provided he stayed out of Pakistan and out of politics for 10 years.
Gen Musharraf’s decision to deport him, almost certainly in violation of that court order, marks a serious escalation of his battle with the judiciary. It comes as the court prepares to rule on whether the 64-year-old commando can stand for re-election as president, perhaps the most important decision in its history.
Under the constitution, a public servant cannot stand for office unless specifically exempted by a law passed in parliament, an exclusion that lasts for two years after retirement. Gen Musharraf has circumvented this before, but legal experts say the supreme court is now likely to rule that a further waiver will require a constitutional amendment. For this, he will need a two-thirds majority in parliament – and Ms Bhutto’s support.
All this is now coming to a head, as Gen Musharraf must stand for re-election between Saturday and October 15. Under the Pakistani system, an electoral college comprised of the membership of all national and provincial legislatures elects the president. Opposition leaders disapprove of Gen Musharraf’s plan to seek re-election by the sitting assemblies, members of which are likely to be more favourable to his continued rule than their successors – Pakistan’s next parliamentary elections must take place by mid-February. They say such a move would be unconstitutional and open to challenge in the supreme court.
If she strikes a deal, Ms Bhutto could enjoy a warmer official reception on her return than Mr Sharif, whose supporters were arrested in their hundreds on Monday and barred from massing at the airport to greet him. Under pressure from the US, Gen Musharraf has accepted the need to broaden his political support- base at a time when his own popularity is plunging to George W. Bush-like levels. Having alienated the religious parties that once backed him as president-in-uniform, he can no longer afford to ignore the lifeline that Ms Bhutto is extending to him.
If the two can overcome their mutual distrust and put the final touches to a power-sharing deal, Ms Bhutto could soon enjoy a third stint as prime minister and see what she claims are “politically motivated” corruption charges against her dropped.
An opinion poll released on Tuesday by Terror Free Tomorrow, a Washington-based non-profit organisation, showed that Mr Sharif was catching up on Ms Bhutto in terms of popularity, with 57 per cent of the 1,044 adults polled last month having a favourable opinion of him, compared with 63 per cent for the PPP leader. Osama bin Laden, with 46 per cent support, was viewed more favourably in Pakistan than Gen Musharraf, whose 38 per cent rating makes him the most unpopular figure in Pakistani politics. The nationwide poll showed that 67 per cent of respondents in North-West Frontier Province, where most militants are based, opposed the Pakistani military’s pursuit of al-Qaeda or Taliban forces.
In her negotiations with the government, Ms Bhutto, who lives in self-imposed exile in London and Dubai, has focused on seven key concessions in return for the PPP’s support for Gen Musharraf’s re-election: the “doffing” of his uniform within a defined period; the removal of the president’s powers to dissolve parliament and oust the prime minister; the establishment of an independent election commission; the release of all political prisoners; and the holding of free, fair and transparent elections. She also has insisted on the repeal of a 2003 constitutional amendment banning twice-elected prime ministers (such as herself) from serving again and the removal of corruption charges against her and other ex-officials.
While Mr Sharif’s popularity has surged as a result of his anti-Musharraf and anti-US posture, Ms Bhutto’s has plummeted because of what is widely seen as self-interested deal-making. The popular view that she is motivated principally by a desire to see the various corruption cases against her dropped is a concern to her party, which shows signs of a potential split. “She’s desperate to do a deal to get the corruption charges dropped and believes that she has no choice,” says Imran Khan, leader of Tehreek-e-Insaf (Justice party) and former Pakistan cricket captain. “It’s much more important for her to do a deal and get off all these charges than to prevent her party from sinking.”
Mr Sharif could yet disrupt these carefully crafted plans for what the US, approvingly, calls a “stable transition” to democracy. If his petition is successful, the court could order the government to produce him in Pakistan, potentially in time for him to play a disruptive role in the elections. In his petition, he accuses the government of engaging in a “criminal conspiracy to contemptuously defeat and disobey the supreme court order” of August 23, noting that commandos had bundled him into a waiting aircraft before he had cleared immigration and technically entered the country. He denies the government’s claim that he left Pakistan willingly rather than face a trial that could end in years of confinement in the sizzling heat of a local jail.
Eight years ago, few Pakistanis would have trusted Mr Sharif, whose two terms in office were marred by allegations of government corruption and incompetence, more than they did Gen Musharraf. Today, however, the Pakistani media overwhelmingly prefers his version of events to the government’s. “I was literally dragged out of my country against my fundamental rights and will, and forced into exile,” Mr Sharif told his lawyer, Fakhruddin Ibrahim, on Wednesday by telephone.
He maintains the authorities tricked him on to the waiting aircraft by telling him that he was being taken to a destination inside Pakistan – either Karachi, the southern port city, or Attock Fort, a detention centre halfway between Islamabad and Peshawar, where he would await trial on his own set of money laundering and corruption charges.
“It was only after the flight flew for a couple of hours and did not begin its descent that Mian Nawaz Sharif was told the plane was heading for Jedda,” says Shahbaz Sharif, Mr Sharif’s brother and principal political confidant, speaking by phone from his London base. “It was total deception.”
Tanvir Ahmed Khan, a former Pakistani foreign secretary, says the government has been “lying through its teeth”. Officials “want to establish that he lacks courage and is a spoilt man from a rich family who can’t take the heat”, he adds. “They want to suggest that he opted for the easiest course and almost willingly went back into exile.”
There has been no sighting of Mr Sharif since Monday. Siddique-ul-Farooq, a PML(N) official, says the former prime minister is in complete confinement in Jedda. “His home has effectively been turned into a jail, he is not allowed to receive visitors or phone calls and he can’t make any calls,” he says. Human rights groups have called for his release. “Sharif must be allowed to leave Saudi Arabia and return to Pakistan if he so wishes, and the international media and independent monitors must be provided immediate access to him,” says Ali Dayan Hasan, of the New York-based Human Rights Watch. “Anything less would make a mockery of international law.”
On the same day as Mr Sharif was being dispatched to Jedda, around 2,000 activists from the Muttahida Qaumi Movement, a Karachi-based party loyal to Gen Musharraf, stormed the Sindh high court. The mob disrupted its inquiry into May street clashes that had left 43 dead in the city and had prevented Iftikhar Chaudhry, then fighting an eventually successful campaign to be reinstated as supreme court chief justice, from addressing a local bar association.
Raja Mohammad Riaz, a lawyer who had been closely involved in the struggle to reverse Gen Musharraf’s suspension of Mr Chaudhry, was on Monday shot dead as he sat in a taxi near the provincial high court.
Shafqat Mahmood, a political analyst and former cabinet minister, says Gen Musharraf is creating an atmosphere of “threat and intimidation” to deter the justices in the supreme court from upsetting his election plans. “He’s telling the court, ‘If you guys don’t behave, I’ll go to any length’. I’m more than convinced that he is seriously game- planning a surgical martial law that would give him just enough power to get rid of the judges and justices.
“Of course the US and the UK will make disapproving statements, but frankly the US needs Musharraf so much that they’ll, yet again, just say, ‘Well, he may be an SOB but at least he’s our SOB.’ ”
Gen Musharraf has come close to declaring a state of emergency. Only the US managed to stop him doing so on August 8 when Condoleezza Rice, secretary of state, deployed all her dissuasive powers in a phone call. But Gen Musharraf’s political backers in the ruling party, the Pakistan Muslim League (Quaid-e-Azam) remain concerned about their own political fortunes. The powerful Chaudhrys – Shujaat Hussain, PML(Q) president, and his cousin Pervaiz Elahi, the Punjab chief minister (they are unrelated to the chief justice) – would prefer Gen Musharraf to suspend the democratic timetable and the judicial system than to see him enter a power-sharing agreement with Ms Bhutto or allow Mr Sharif back.
For its part, the US has failed to dispel a widespread impression that it is not unhappy about Mr Sharif’s deportation and that it put pressure on Saudi Arabia to come to Gen Musharraf’s assistance last week. In Islamabad on Wednesday, John Negroponte, deputy secretary of state, simply said Mr Sharif’s deportation was an internal issue for Pakistan, adding that “our only wish is that whatever is done be done in a peaceful manner and that it lead to a peaceful and democratic political evolution”.
Another US official, requesting anonymity, says: “Musharraf has been the best to work with on counter-terrorism but we’d be prepared to work with whomever we have to . . . If it were Nawaz Sharif, he’s got a lot of friends among US political types.”
That is not how Imran Khan, an ally of Mr Sharif’s, sees it. In his view, as in that of many others in Pakistani politics, Washington is lobbying aggressively for a form of “managed democracy” that would see Ms Bhutto gain a share of power but essentially leave Gen Musharraf, in charge of policy execution in the two areas of greatest concern to the US: confronting the Taliban in Pakistan’s tribal areas on the Afghan border and making sure that Islamabad’s nuclear weapons stay under lock and key.
“The Americans are prepared to allow so much bloodletting in the name of democracy in Iraq and then they throw it out of the window here in their attempt to manufacture their dream-team of Benazir Bhutto and Musharraf,” Mr Khan says.
Additional reporting by Farhan Bokhari
A burdened military is vexed by its missing 240
By Farhan Bokhari
Pakistan’s military still has trouble explaining exactly how it happened that, on August 30, more than 240 of its soldiers were taken captive by militants in the remote region of South Waziristan, just when they should have been on their highest state of alert.
According to the armed forces, not a shot was fired by the soldiers, but senior military officials insist that was because the troops were under orders to show restraint. The debacle raises questions about the loyalty of combat troops and their reliability in the fight against militant extremists.
The scale of the kidnapping is unprecedented, even in Pakistan’s unruly tribal areas, which lie largely outside the control of the state. South and North Waziristan, on the Afghan border, are thought to be the regions where much of the al-Qaeda leadership has sought refuge after being driven out of Afghanistan earlier in the decade. The US has been pressing Pakistan to hunt down militant leaders in these areas.
For the moment, the Pakistani government is trying non-violent means to secure the soldiers’ release – using a local council of tribal leaders known as a jirga to negotiate with the hostage takers – though an imminent end to the crisis appears unlikely. The hostage takers are demanding the release of several hardcore militants, arrested in the past three years, as the price for the soldiers’ freedom.
Officials in North-West Frontier Province (NWFP), the region that surrounds the tribal areas, warn that the soldiers have been split into nine groups that are being kept well apart. Rescue is thought impossible without a risk of large-scale casualties, including hostages.
Earlier last month, militants in the same region kidnapped 16 paramilitary soldiers. Only 15 returned: the other was beheaded by a teenager and a video of that act delivered to Pakistani officials as a reminder of what could happen to soldiers in captivity. “Those who saw the video still have sleepless nights. It was a reminder of how cruel these people are,” says an NWFP government official who has spoken to some who watched the clip.
“You can’t have a sustained operation of this kind over three years. . . against your own people without this kind of outcome,” says Hasan Askari Rizvi, a defence commentator. “Militaries are trained to fight well-armed enemy troops. When you make them fight your own people, there is always the danger of troops becoming either demoralised or simply taking the view that their battle has no legitimacy.”
Retired Lieutenant General Moinuddin Haider, the former interior minister, warns that the kidnappings have wider repercussions for public morale across Pakistan. “Pakistanis could see this event as a voluntary surrender even though there’s no evidence that these soldiers simply walked over to the other side. The image of what has happened has considerably damaged the view of the government.”
Western military analysts say the Pakistani military continues to be at a disadvantage in the tribal areas – a region that was simply out of bounds for the government before 2003. In their three-year operation, Pakistani military troops have relied on support from paramilitary soldiers who are largely recruited from the tribal areas and become part of what is known as the Frontier Corps. “You can argue the FC boys will always have split loyalties. In many instances, they will be told to operate in places against their friends or even family,” says one western analyst. “How can you be sure [FC troops] will come along willingly?”
Gen Haider warns that the kidnappings have come at an inopportune time for President Pervez Musharraf just when he is under mounting pressure to tackle security problems across the country.
On September 4, two suicide attacks – including one that targeted a bus carrying junior employees of Inter Services Intelligence, the country’s counter-spy agency – left up to 29 dead. Particularly disconcerting for the military, the incidents took place in the heart of Rawalpindi, the garrison town where the army’s headquarters are located, just outside the capital Islamabad.
Investigators are looking into possible links between the attackers and the militants who are holding the soldiers in South Waziristan.
Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2007
September 16th, 2007 at 11:07 am
Well of course. We celebrate 40%+ loans for the medium poor yet the rich business class doesnt even seem to pay back the capital on their loans.
but then its not just the elite, its the general mass also that has a problem with obeying laws. we are big on rights though!
September 17th, 2007 at 9:30 am
fugstar (#4):
You said:
“but then its not just the elite, its the general mass also that has a problem with obeying laws. we are big on rights though!”
For my edification, are you saying that “we” (who would that be, by the way?) being big on rights somehow has a causal effect on the “general mass” becoming a bunch of scofflaws?
Generally, I have found that Scandinavian countries (Finland, Norway, Sweden) have very good rights enshrined in their social and political fabric. People there are also the most obedient when it comes to laws: be they about speeding (trust me, I have spent many an hour trapped behind EVERYONE doing exactly the speed limit)or standing in line all the way to big ticket things.
My experience has been that people are more likely to follow laws when they see an advantage in following them. When people have, and know they have, rights under the law, rights that are given in the letter and the substance of the law, they are more likely to obey them.
September 17th, 2007 at 3:30 pm
Very good point, Shahed Aziz! Unfortunately, in BD, where people ALWAYS see someone breaking the line, or someone with “special access” to the guy behind the “counter” or sales-window getting something as simple as a cinema ticket out of line, or as happened to me last December, waiting for my own X-ray report (prepaid) while others were coming from behind and getting service, ordinary people, especially the poor and without a “Mamu”, cannot be blamed for not being patient enough for trusting any “system”/rules/the law.
In our land laws have always seemed to have been imposed from the above, since the days of the Raja-Rajras, the Mughals, the British, the “Punjabis”, down to our own political system where democratic principles are not observed even within the parties’ own hierarchy. When people do not have a sense of participation in law-making, especially where resources are extremely tight, just one person breaking the law and getting away with it can have a much more devastating effect than what you see in more affluent societies where one is not affected so personally by instances of corruption (Enron notwithstanding…, and even if the judicial process takes its time, people can learn to be patient).
I believe the basic principles of Game Theory have gotten hard-wired in our brains through the evolutionary process and that’s BTW also the wellspring of all our moral judgment. So, we obey or break rules as it appears to be optimum in a given circumstance.
September 17th, 2007 at 3:51 pm
NirBashito (#6): Fair point.
A quibble I would have is that rules don’t necessarily have to be from the bottom up to work. I agree that ideally, they should be more democratic and bottom up to be able to work the best in the long run. IDEALLY.
With certain caveats, “top down” rules can also be equally effective. The caveats being:
1. They are equally and ruthlessly (I make a distinction from “brutally”) applied
2. That they are explained to the target population
3. That they make some sort of sense.
You are right, we are essentially hard-wired to do things for short-term gains, even when we understand the reasoning and the evidence that our actions have long-term negative consequences for ourselves. The solution we are looking for is to break — or modulate — that hard-wired response. From that perspective, bottom-up works better (and takes a bloody long time) while the riskier top-down strategy might work just as well.
September 17th, 2007 at 4:13 pm
Game theory assumes perfect information and rational behaviour.
Its all Phaiysha Gesi then? we arent responsible?
September 17th, 2007 at 5:28 pm
May I recommend this article I saw on Hasan Abbas’ website Watandost. I think it applies quite nicely with the Bangladesh political situation. Just do a word replace of Pakistan(i) with Bangladesh(i)you will see what I mean.
Looking for Short Cuts: Pakistani National Character?
Short cuts and the status quo
By Hajrah Mumtaz:
Dawn, September 17, 2007
http://watandost.blogspot.com/
MUCH has been made of political developments that unfolded over the past week. While headlines reflect the immediate newsworthiness of an event, true significance lies in how events alter or inform patterns of behaviour in society. And on that score, it has merely been another week of more of the same.
As a society, we find short cuts simply irresistible, even in circumstances where long-term benefit is clearly compromised. Our leaders act in our image. Consider: a self-proclaimed leader chooses to take the shortest way towards the perpetuation of his own regime, heedless of the fallout on either his own credibility or the country’s stability. One former prime minister tries to leapfrog her way into power at the cost of her popularity with the voters while the similar intentions of another former prime minister are thwarted because he took an earlier short cut out of prison and opposition politics.
In the attempt to milk a situation for all it’s worth, these personalities seek help from internal and external players that are all too aware of the durability of political alliances in the country. The irony is that our leaders then count on long-term support from their international friends.
Opportunism is symptomatic of Pakistan’s society as a whole. The lack of foresight, the inability to connect cause and effect, is evident everywhere. Unable to resist the lure of expediency, we shelve any considerations of societal development or, indeed, civilised and self-respecting behaviour. The kindest explanation is that perhaps we hope to deal with the larger issues once the current crisis — of which there is no shortage on the individual, institutional or constitutional levels — has been survived. The cynical explanation is that we simply don’t care — the future, when it comes around, will be dealt with by future players.
Our method of dealing with traffic jams, for example, is revealing. Vehicles try to beat the line by encroaching on to the parallel lane, thus blocking oncoming traffic and rendering the gridlock worse than ever — although oncoming vehicles are extremely unlikely to simply evaporate. That this pattern is displayed by vehicles ranging from Prados to donkey carts is indicative of the fact that the inability to weigh the consequences of our actions has little to do with education, economic standing or social standing.
The same lack of structured thinking is evident in those clinging to power. They address the short-term problem — how to get a reprieve — without recognising that power cannot be infinitely prolonged. And in humiliating those they have beaten, they forget that they too will have their faces ground in the dust by others who are far more unscrupulous.
It may be instructive to ponder, variously, that citizens refer to General Ziaul Haq’s grave as Jabra Chowk; that the court to which Mr Sharif directs his appeal for justice was stormed by his own men, during his government; and that the politician who returned in such triumph in 1986 is now so severely diminished.
September 17th, 2007 at 8:10 pm
I’d argue we (i.e. everybody, not just Bangladeshis or Pakistanis) take “short cuts” because — and this will address the “perfect information” problem too: see below(*) — with our “limited vision” and “short-term memory” we THINK “we have it all figured out and therefore will get away with it”.
On the other hand, some of our apparently “irrational behaviours” may be just our way of applying game theory principles with valuable knowledge buried in the sub-conscious, which therefore turn out to be “very rational behaviours” indeed in the long-run. Naturally, our gut responses work better at home than in a traffic-jam, the latter being a relatively new situation for humankind.
_______________
*Most games are played with imperfect info; see Wikepedia for more details. The bottom-line is, it is our responsibility to get more information to be able to play a better game — “better” in the most overarching sense of the word, as applicable to our Bangalee society as well as all of humankind. Those who say we are doomed because we don’t have “perfect information” must be labeled as “losers” (in its colloquial sense; not in terms of game theory — because such losers are not even TRYING to “play the game”!).
May 9th, 2008 at 12:05 am
FACTS ON THE GROUND IN PAKISTAN.Reference to the Islamic history and Pakistan’s independance period, I want to go a step further and will recomend to select/elect every Chief of Army staff as president after retirement and the present Army chief should be be given extra time for his oustanding services at national and international level and all other Corps. Commanders of the Army and COS of Airforce and Navy should be apponited Governors and Deputy Governors of the provinces and regions ( by creating regional governments in all four provinces, 2 in Punjab 1 in each province- these regions already exist based on language, culture and history , such as Saraiki, Potahari, Upper Sind-Sukkar, Dera Ismail Khan in NWFP and Gawadar- Balouch Area. And all additional bureaucrates who love to live in provincial capitals should be trasfered to these remote areas of the country.High court benches are already working in these areas. These new regions should invite and attrect the foreigner and Pakistani origin people to invest in the area to creat jobs and eliminate poverty.) This is the only way we can stop further intereption/ coup in Pakistan . After all armed forces personnel are wel diciplined and organized . And above all represent Pakistan’s divercified population. With this arrangement no one is loser except few feudals and industrialists, who reprent non of the masses in Pakistan. We already have a quota system applied for superior services since 30 years and had killed thousands of innocent talented young people, why not try this arrangement for the welfare of the country which will effect none but very few so called politicians who after all deal with generals behind the curtains.And it’s good to know that supporters of these politician are 500/600 Mafia families who live in 125 districts in Pakistan and provide so called public leadership for national, provincial and local levels. All 8000/9000 candidates in recent elections were from the same mafia group who are the biggest law breakers and around 1000 leading law breaker are elected as tne new law makers who will take care of themselves but none. They all involved in worst kind of with the help of junior police officials to whom they help them in nrecruitment.crimes on this earth against humanity.An enquiry by a nuetral agency may prove my claim.WOULD THE EDITOR PUBLISH THIS LETTER in the larger interest of the nation. KHWAJA AFTAB ALI,(a former Secretary Iranian Embassy, Saudi Arabia,1975-88), first and the only post graduate of Intellectual Property Laws on scholarship from USA. Residing in Orlando, Florida.U.S.A.
email.piplaw@hotmail.com