Professor James C. Scott of Yale established the notion of “public transcripts” and “hidden transcripts” in his study of how elites and their subordinates interact. “Public transcripts” are essentially all the information contained in the discourse between elites and subordinates in the public sphere. For instance, the deferential relationship ( “Ji sir! Na sir! Three bags full, sir!” ) between workers and their bosses in an office is the public transcript. “Hidden transcripts” are essentially what the subordinates say among themselves ( “Boss shobshomoy deri korey ashey, tobe amader boley time meney choltey!” ) or what elites/bosses are saying amongst themselves. Needless to say, the workers really NEED their conversation to be “hidden”!

The notion of hidden and public transcripts are becoming increasingly relevant nowadays, especially in the wake of Islamist terrorism and the ever-increasing popularity of Islamist political parties in some countries. Last week, I read an op-ed by one of the few Daily Star columnists I still read regularly and have a lot of respect for, Zafar Sobhan. As full of good sense as his columns usually are, this one nevertheless had these curious sentence in it:

“From time immemorial, non-elected regimes in the Muslim world have chosen to target secular opposition only.

Time and again, it is the Islamists who are left untouched and use the opportunity to strengthen and consolidate

Time and again it is the Islamists, who, by remaining untouched, rise to the fore-front of the democratic opposition.

Time and again, it is they, promising social justice and equality and freedom from corruption, who step authoritatively into the void created by non-democratic rule.” (emphasis added)

The notion of global and hidden transcripts came rushing back. It is hard to argue against the first half of this scenario with respect to Bangladesh, Pakistan and maybe Indonesia under Suharto. Non-elected regimes in these countries have targetted secular opposition and left religion based parties untouched. An exception is our dear friend ( “not master!” ) Ayub Khan who had a few tussles with Jamaat back in the day, as well. All these historical instances have firmly established the Bangladeshi public transcript/”common sense” that Islamists are beneficiaries of unelected regimes.

But as I emphasise above, Sobhan claims that this is the general case in “the Muslim world”. As almost any Bangladeshi Islamist can tell you, this is not the case at all. They can tell you this because they read from another transcript, hidden from the rest sometimes through their efforts and sometimes through our refusal to acknowledge it.

A short list of unelected regimes cracking down on Islamist parties since 1947 would include:

1. The Egyptian monarchy assassinating Hasan al-Banna, the founder of the Muslim Brothers. A failed assassination attempt on Nasser brought about another crackdown on them in the early 60s, as did the assassination of Anwar Sadat in 1980. The Muslim Brothers are the most popular party in Egypt right now.

2. An Islamist takeover of the Syrian city of Hama in 1982 resulted in the unelected government of Hafez al-Assad simply demolishing the city, killing between 10,000-25,000. No Islamist uprising since then.

3. The unelected government of Algeria cracked down on the Front de Islamique Salut (FIS) after it had won the parliamentary elections. Some experts point to this as a “key event” for jihadist types.

(I’m sticking to Sunni Islamists to avoid going into unnecessary arguments. For those interested, Iran under the Shah is a great example of how state repression of both secular and religious groups (including Iranian Jews) led to Khomenei’s popularity.)

Why am I mentioning all this? Certainly not to show that force works or doesn’t work. (Just look at the difference between Syria and Egypt). Because as I said before, almost any Bangladeshi Islamist worth his salt will know at least some of these examples. Islamism after all has its own hidden transcript, its own mythos one might say. Claiming them to be a global beneficiary of unelected regimes is not only inaccurate, but bound to perpetually trap us in the highly unpalatable situation where Bangladeshi citizens are talking past rather than with each other, reading off two different transcripts. Until and unless we recognise that Islamists come in all shades and colours (from Refah with its pro-EU stance in Turkey to JIB with its Danish flag burning in Bangladesh, from parliamentarians in Cairo to Jihadists in Islamabad) and that they speak from a different historical experience/transcript than other parts of the intelligentsia, (exemplified here by Sobhan, with all due apologies to him) Bangladesh will continue to be divided along this religious-secular line. Not just politically, but socially and culturally as well. Coercion, arrests and prosecution does not work well in the social and cultural spheres.

Being overlooked or granted favours by unelected regimes, as has happened previously in Bangladesh and Pakistan, have not helped Islamist parties gain much popularity. The only Islamist parties that have so far (to my limited knowledge) come to power through elections are in Algeria (1990 and this led to the civil war), Turkey and limitedly in Egypt. In no case did Islamists enjoy good relations with the unelected regimes. Others that have, such as JI Pakistan or JI Bangladesh, have not outdone the “secular” parties in any elections after being relatively untouched by military regimes. Hardly “the forefront of the democratic opposition”.

None of this is to argue against arrests and prosecution of the kind of people holed up in an Islamabad mosque this past week. None of this is to argue for “forgiveness for past crimes” (read: 1971) as some would have us believe is pragmatic. This is simply to say that all violence against citizens must be punished regardless of who commits them, instead of singling out religion-inspired violence for special treatment: ie. prosecute Shibir/JMB law-breakers the same way you would prosecute lawbreakers from a “secular” student league. And by all means, let’s investigate their links with violent extremist groups.

If they move to the centre of the political spectrum from the extremes (e.g. recognition of equal rights for Hindu, Buddhist, Christians; equal rights and freedoms for women; condemnation of their stance in 1971; a firm commitment to the elections and the trappings of democracy; giving up ex-communicating people etc. etc.) and get elected, we should have nothing to complain about. If they remain at the extremes and get marginal votes, we should be happy. However, singling them out in practice, rhetoric or media attention is neither going to serve the cause of justice, democracy nor stop the extremists among these parties from taking them even further from centre. It might even push more of our people into thinking their ideology actually has some value. Instead of making martyrs and perpetual victims out of Islamists in their own narrative/transcript, let us engage with them and try to make them understand our reservations about their rhetoric, their tactics and their narratives. That is the only way to heal our growing secular-Islamist rift in my opinion.

That small quibble out of the way, I too have to ask: why are there so few Jamaatis in jail?