In this post, I argue the case for democracy, starting with some abstract ideas and then relating them to today’s Bangladesh. Nothing here is original, but reading some comments over the past few days, I feel that it is worth reiterating various arguments for democracy.
This is an offshoot of a human rights organization, so I’ll begin with rights.
We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal, that they are endowed … with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. … [T]o secure these rights, Governments are instituted … deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed … whenever … Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or abolish it, and to institute new Government…
Anyone taking human rights seriously cannot argue with these words. If we think that human rights matter, then it follows that any government that violates these rights loses its legitimacy. We could alter or abolish an illegitimate government through a revolution. And then if the revolutionary government trampled on our cherished rights, we could try a counter-revolution. Alternatively, we could have competitive elections at regular intervals. Any government traducing too many rights could be thrown out by voters. This suggests that democracy, by which I mean a political system where the government is representative of and responsible to those governed, is more likely to respect people’s rights than a non-democracy.
So far we have assumed that rights are what most voters care about. This need not always be the case. In fact, a majority of voters may very well decide to actively persecute some minorities. Democracies can become dictatorships of the majority. From this, it follows that democracy, defined as above, is not sufficient for the preservation of rights. To guarantee that the individual’s inalienable rights are protected from the tyranny of majority, we need measures like the separation of powers between different branches and different layers of the government, independence of the court system and free and inquisitive media. When these measures are present, we have a liberal democracy.
But why this emphasis on rights? One can make a serious argument that the inalienable rights of the US Declaration of Independence are grounded in the European civilization, and other civilizations have different concepts of rights and obligations. For example, a declaration with its roots in Islam could very well be based on ‘self-evident truths that all men are created equal and endowed by the Almighty with certain responsibilities, and governments are established to uphold these…’ Or one can argue that to the impoverished ‘wretched of the earth’, rights are irrelevant — faced with acute hunger, can someone be concerned about the right to free speech?
The liberal emphasis on individual rights is by no means the only possible foundation for a political system. There are various types of socialism, nationalism, environmentalism, fundamentalism and all sorts of other isms to choose from.
‘To choose from’, that’s the operative phrase here. So long as there is a choice, we are still in the realm of democracy. One cannot stress enough the freedom of choice here. Every non-liberal ideology imagined anywhere in history, taken to its logical conclusion, would produce a totalitarianism where all other ideas are banished. To the believer, such a pure world is paradise, but to everyone else it is hell. Therefore, even those not so keen on rights as an end in itself should still care about rights to choose as a means to the end of their likings. That is, being a socialist or ‘Islamist’ (I use the word very reluctantly, but can’t think of a better word right now) shouldn’t stop one from supporting democracy.
One shouldn’t, however, over sell democracy. There is no guarantee whatsoever that a democracy will produce a stable society. Social stability depends on many factors — technological changes, environmental challenges, economic developments can all destabilize a society, and not always for the worst. In an already changing society, democracy can create more tensions. But if the society is already changing, an absence of democracy can create even more instability. Revolutions typically happen when democratic reforms are denied.
Some argue that democracy is not conducive to economic development. For example, they argue that ‘benevolent dictatorships’ have presided over economic growth unparalleled by any democracy. But then again, for every Korea or Taiwan, we have dozens of African or Latin American countries, for every Mahathir there were many Mobutus.
It is true that with cumbersome decision-making processes, necessary reforms can be more difficult in a democracy. But there is a flipside to this as well. While democracies may take a long time to make the right choice, they typically make less costly errors. For example, China liberalized its economy a decade earlier than India did, and as a result the average Chinese is much richer than the average Indian. However, independent India has never experienced a famine or massive dislocation of people because of economic reasons. Policy experiments like the Great Leap Forward or the Cultural Revolution killed millions in China during Chairman Mao’s era.
So much for abstract arguments, let’s talk about today’s Bangladesh. For anyone concerned about human rights, it’s hard to argue that there is a system better than liberal democracy. While we don’t have democracy today, we definitely did not have liberal democracy before 1/11. But then, what is closer to liberal democracy, the current still-evolving non-democracy or the peculiar democracy we had earlier? The regime has talked about liberal reforms — note Dr Fakhruddin Ahmed’s first speech to the nation. But then Lt Gen Moeen U Ahmed has also talked about an ‘indigenous model of democracy’ which reminded me of various other models of democracy — basic, socialist, Islamic, guided — that civilian and military rulers of Pakistan and Bangladesh peddled in the past.
And even if one is not that concerned about human rights per se, one should still want an eventual return to democracy. We saw earlier that it’s not clear that dictatorships are better at improving living standards. Historically, democracies have been better at this in Bangladesh. For example, according to the IMF data, GDP per capita increased by 1.4% a year during the Ershad era, it grew by an annual average of 2.2, 3.1 and 4% under the three subsequent governments. Why should we think that a military backed non-democracy be better at improving people’s lives in Bangladesh?
And then there is the question of whether economic growth is all that matters. What about the impact of growth on the environment? What about the way the growth process has fuelled inequality? Might it not be better to have an equal distribution of poverty than a grotesquely unequal distribution of wealth? And what about the way economic changes are tearing down the traditional fabrics of our society?
As it happens, I think that economic growth, managed properly will help the environment or social inequality. And frankly, I am not that concerned about traditional social norms. But it doesn’t matter what I think. What matters is what most Bangladeshis think. And I know of only one political system that will reflect the views of what most Bangladeshis think about economic growth, environmental degradation, social inequality or the loss of tradition: democracy.
We don’t have democracy today. It’s not quite a full-blown dictatorship yet, though could very easily become one. What we had before 1/11, while more democratic than what we have today, was in bad need of repair. Going forward, what should we do? Do we persevere with the non-democracy hoping that it doesn’t turn into tyranny? Or do we fear the onset of tyranny and urge for a return to what we had on 1/10? Do we wait for the regime to deliver a ‘democracy suited to the genius of our people’, or do we prepare for a ‘struggle for democracy’? I don’t presume to have the answer for these. These should be vigorously debated. But I do think that our ultimate aim should be a return to democracy. To paraphrase Benjamin Franklin, trading democracy for stability or development will result in us losing everything.
April 26th, 2007 at 1:42 pm
Jyoti, a superb post. It wouldn’t be bad to nail a copy of it onto the door of every government institution, military building and mosque/temple in Bangladesh.
It has been said that the current military government will inevitably lead to the following anathema, because they are in the nature of military dictatorships:
* Reduced Accountability
* Institutionanal Corruption on a national scale
* Withdrawal of basic inalieable rights, particularly those of women and the poor
* Targetting of minorities
But hold on a second. Did anyone notice that we just lived through 15 years of democracy with exactly these anathema encroaching into the lives of Bangladeshis?
So what we’ve had is essentially a choice between
A democratised military (as in the present CTG)
or
A militarised democracy (as in previous administrations, but particulalry the last BNP government)
Either way, both have been variations of Autocracy Lite. In any case, what we all want to avoid, and I think this is unanimous across the board, is full-fat military dictatorship.
I suspect that most of the comments on these threads on DP have been from well-intentioned and well-meaning friends of Bangladesh, arguing, for the most part, cross-purpose in order to establish the exact definition of the various vestigial, or simply just nominal, forms of democracy that we’ve been forced to put up with.
April 26th, 2007 at 9:14 pm
An short piece, but amazingly eye-opening article to understand human rights, economic, social, environmental and other issues entwined with democracies and other forms of government.
I always justify the change of August 1975. Your article gave me more strength on my stand as your article says,
“We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal, that they are endowed … with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. … To secure these rights, Governments are instituted … deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed … whenever … Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or abolish it, and to institute new Government…”
But here I disagree little with your comparison of economic growth rate of Ershad-era and 15-years of limping democratic expo period. We can’t just simply measure a government’s success based solely on the economic growth. Economic growth rates may depends myriads of factors, government economic performance, local factors and to a significant extent regional and global economic states.
We can’t compare the growth acceleration of post independence time to the present time. As the global economy is growing it’s reflected on the economy of every country. So apparent higher rate doesn’t mean that last 15-years so called democratic rule did better economically than Ershad-era or the eras before. I believe if there were political stability during this last 15 years we could have done much better. Economic development is partly natural and partly government performance.
I’m not and no sane person can be in favor of dictatorial system. But I believe, though acclaimed liberal democracy is the best of all the systems of government it has some defaulted defects. Theoretically, it is the best system to guarantee people’s participation in running government through their voting tool but in real world, we don’t see it especially in the underdeveloped countries.
I’m in favor of research on government systems especially in the field of democracy. The traditional democracy needs modification and improvement. There should be modified democracy customized to individual country’s needs.
I’m wishing for better system than traditional democracy in future.
Thanks.
April 27th, 2007 at 3:52 am
I prefer to interpret the meaning of democracy a bit different than the conventional way. In my understanding the simple meaning of democracy is, “the rule of the people as oppose to the rule of an individual or oligarch”. In other words, where there is democracy, the will of the people must always prevail over the will of an individual/oligarch. If opposite happens, then, we can call it anything but democracy. In this light, what we had in Bangladesh since her independence was not the rule of the people raher the rule of the Mujib, Zia, Ershad, Khaleda or Hasina? This is the crux of the matter. We often wrongfully tend to equate democracy with free and fair election ignoring the fact that the role of election in a representative democracy is limited only to elect the people’s representatives. When an elected representative rules at her/his will (like a dictator) ignoring the voices of the people, then does not s/he become equally undemocratic like a non-elected dictator?
In this light, I will conclude that we never had democracy in Bangladesh. Since our independence, all of our heads of government whether they came from military barrack or elected through a free and fair or farcical election, were nothing but dictators. And they never delivered per the wish of the people. People could never prevail over the will of the elected representatives. This is one of the reasons why a non-elected government like the one we have now could once enjoy the support of the 90 percent of the population. The simple reason is the fact that they were delivering per the wish of the people.
As long as they enjoy the support of the overwhelming majority of the people, yes, I will call them a democratic government although they are not elected. In the same way, all of the last three caretaker governments were democratic though not elected, as their rule reflected the wish and aspiration of the people. I understand this is not the solution (the deliverance of democratic rule by a bunch of unelected people). But what else we can do when our elected leaders become tyrant once they are declared winner through even a free and fair election. Who to blame for that –the people, the elected leaders or our kismet?
April 27th, 2007 at 7:20 am
This article needs to be translated and sent to all the Bangla papers in Dhaka. Jyoti, this can be the first piece for the writing syndicate. Really good stuff. This is going to be my reference for any debates on this :).
April 27th, 2007 at 8:34 am
Thanks Jyoti. It is a Master Piece.
April 27th, 2007 at 8:41 am
Please send this piece to every Bangla news paper, people need to read and share this view.
April 27th, 2007 at 2:48 pm
Good stuff. Jyoti for President!
April 27th, 2007 at 7:02 pm
The KEY issue in Jyoti’s excellent post, in which she invites debate is:
“Do we wait for the [army] regime to deliver a ‘democracy suited to the genius of our people’, or do we prepare for a ‘struggle for democracy’? “
This can be subject of many books, but here is my condensed view:
———————–
So for first option – do we struggle for democracy? To me it was a glaring fact that the SH & KZ govts were not just potentially tyrant, but they were ACTUALLY tyrant govts, in the absence of penalty, punishment or judicial powers, and the system needs drastic change and overhaul (reforms).
For “the Right of the People to alter or abolish [tyranny], and to institute new Government…”, ideas of revolutions may have been high-tech solutions in the medieval ages, but in the 21st Cuntury there are better methods and proven techniques than revolutions.
Also, revolution and counter-revolution are easier said than done – in a nation which is already in Intensive Care, there is not much wealth, energy or strength for revolution, which itself could turn into worse catastrophe, or long-term collapse. One revolution can lead to another tyrant and the problems remain never-ending. So we cannot rely on revolutions as a way of struggle to improve our democracy.
BD People can prepare for the democratic struggle, and have struggled since 1947, 1955, 1971, 1991 and many are now underground with their struggle.
But the mega-billion $ question is - HOW do we ensure that politicians will do THEIR part of the struggle, to ensure people’s inalienable rights, AFTER they are elected? Because the entire nation-building responsibility (so far) sits on the politicians, if they abuse the system the it turns into tyranny.
Politicians will not automatically turn into “auto-pilot” and do the struggle for the people, when they find themselves in a guardless dungeon of luxury, without any deterrence for consequences.
So a CLAUSE in the constitution is needed which will MOTIVATE the politicians to ensure their responsibilities of nation-building, development and internal reform, WITHOUT ABUSE. This must generate an environment of self–directed govt, self motivated and PENALTY-oriented, so that they are intrinsically driven to greater achievements while in office, or in opposition. Any scope for corruption will be IMPEACHABLE and subject to replacement.
So now question is WHO will add that clause, and ensure its implementation during governance? Who will do the reforms. We know politicians in freedom of luxury don’t have any motivation to do so. People don’t have the power to go to Shongshod and amend the constitution, and separate the judiciary. Politicians don’t have any interest to implicate themselves, or remove their Lexus-buying privileges, swiss-bank depositing secrecies, hoarding procurement tenders, etc. Judges don’t have the power, as they have been under politicians’ absolute power.
Then WHO will revise the modus operandi, through reformed constitution. WHO?
Somebody has to add the clause in the constitution that:
1. will FORCE system to ban hartal, oborodh and shutdown
2. will FORCE politicians not to boycott, but attend parliament regularly
3. will FORCE politicians to step down (impeachment) when they break law
4. will FORCE politicians to REFORM the system with bills, debates, amendments and laws
5. will FORCE judiciary, executive and legislative branches to be separated
6. will FORCE the conditions to be changed to give people their inalienable rights
Can the CTG do these reforms single-handedly? Can they bust the politicians’ power monopoly to implicate them and raise the flag, and make these amendments? Did constitution give CTG enough power to do so? Answer is NO.
A supreme power is needed. The army backing to CTG is the ONLY life-saver who can proverbially “bell the cat”, revise the laws of governance, implement the separation of judiciary, question the politicians’ bank accounts and hold them answerable. Clearly, for the people the army is a god-send in a failed state where basically the non-democratic SH-KZ govt was a tyrant in disguise.
This army regime is assorted with lawyers, bankers, generals and businessmen, its not a purely “dictatorial” musharraf-ershad type of force, and it has shown remarkable examples of genuine UNSELFISH concern and action, in incredibly short time.
So I see this army regime as a power backup system, and a temporary stop-gap to update the ground-rules of governance to the CTG, before we go back to re-instituting democracy, and the “10 commandments of democracy” again. Unless there is other disturbance within the plan, I see this as an outstanding opportunity for future democracy in Bangladesh.
We dont wait for army to deliver a democracy in a DHL package, but we should support the army and CTG’s plans to reform the system, and return to a parliament more CONDUCIVE to democracy.
April 28th, 2007 at 9:44 pm
Jyoti wrote: “Historically, democracies have been better at this in Bangladesh. For example, according to the IMF data, GDP per capita increased by 1.4% a year during the Ershad era, it grew by an annual average of 2.2, 3.1 and 4% under the three subsequent governments.”
At the Youth Round Table (referred to in another post), Naomi Hossain made a similar argument– that GDP growth was higher under BNP-AL (last 15 years) than under military junta of Ershad.
After the meeting, one participant told me that was true if you looked @ nominal GDP, but once adjusted for inflation the rate is same between junta & democracy.
Neither speaker quoted sources, and I haven’t been researching this sort of thing lately. Could Jyoti and/or others could address this point more– perhaps elaborate in a full-length post. The argument that some level of “benevolent dictatorship”-induced stability is essential for economic growth is one of the popular arguments making rounds in Dhaka right now. (I don’t agree, but it would be useful to have a data based, economic analysis of this).
April 29th, 2007 at 1:20 am
Naeem,
I was citing real (inflation-adjusted) figures. It’s quite clear in the data that Bangladesh’s economic performance has been better after 1990 than before. Yes, a full-length post would be better - will work on it, or happy for someone else to chip in.
Bitterboy,
Yes, GDP per capita is only one measure. But other data also point to similar figure. I take your point about the growing world economy though.
Others,
Whether in this thread or elsewhere, please continue the debate on:
“Do we wait for the [army] regime to deliver a ‘democracy suited to the genius of our people’, or do we prepare for a ‘struggle for democracy’? “
April 29th, 2007 at 2:04 am
Naeem re #10,
I’m Not for Ershad regime either, however
Even if sources for increasing GDP are found, what surety is there that increase was due to CIVILIAN govts (”democracy”) ALONE, and not other factors - like rise of Garments industry,
(which happened to have started during or pre Ershad and grown annualy since then, as major contribution to GDP)?