Thu 20 Apr 2006
Yesterday many protestors were injured in the pitched battles that took place when the opposition Awami League tried to surround the PM’s office. Today there is an opposition general strike again with potential for more violence, and indeed there has been violence today. And because of the police action yesterday, AL has called for yet another general strike on sunday ( a working day in Bangladesh). This is now pretty much a permanent fixture in the political landscape in Bangladesh. For the uninitiated blog reader I have put together some questions and brief answers to help explain this vicious cycle Bangladeshis find themselves in. I can’t be exhaustive in this post but no doubt I shall blog further… I am not claiming to be impartial - I have never been much of a fence sitter but in case you are wondering I don’t subscribe to any political party.
What is this latest turmoil all about?
The pretext is the reform of the election process (caretaker government system) and reform of the election commission. The issues raised by the opposition are real and justified.
So why don’t the government and the opposition sit down and thrash it out?
The pretext is this - Hasina, the leader of the opposition, says that she can’t possibly sit down with the government if they include their coalition partners. The Jamaat-e-Islami are the coalition partners in question. It is a party with a very dubious role in the formation of Bangladesh.
Wouldn’t you find it difficult to sit with Jamaat?
Thankfully I don’t have to. But Hasina Wajed has done it in the past. In the 1990s, she had an informal alliance with Jamaat in order to topple the BNP. And lets not forget that it was Hasina’s father - Sheikh Mujib - who pardoned Jamaat’s supporters in 1973 despite their heinous role in the liberation war.
Ok let’s leave the history for a bit. You keep going on about pretexts. What the hell is all this really about?
How long have you got? It is about flexing destructive power. It is about readying the people for a fight to capture power. The ritual of elections has come to provide an opportunity for these parties to capture public resources. This capture permits the winner to engage in corruption and to immediately enrich their own faction. The outcome for the country of this “clientelist surplus appropriation” is that social and economic transformation is jeopardised.
So its just a fight to capture resources? Nothing ideological? And what’s this about factions?
Lemme explain. The two main political parties in Bangladesh do not represent different economic interests. They do not represent different social classes. Their supporters come from an array of classes - from the university educated to the peasants in the countryside, small businessmen, big businessmen etc. You can think of them as multi-class factions. Each has its own motley crew of supporters drawn from across the social spectrum. The leaders of the competing factions are similar to each other in class terms. And the people they mobilise are also similar in background to each other. Certainly they may engage in ideological debates but that is just a side show - the real thing is about the interests of the faction. Indeed ideological positions are easily changed in response to changing alignments of factional power ( as above with Hasina and Jamaat, and many other instances of party-hopping, and only today I see that Hasina is now welcoming senior members of the Jatiya Party - once a bitter foe - to her fold).
Hmm. Where can I read more?
You can’t do better than read Professor Mushtaq Khan’s seminal article “The Political Ecomomy of Secularism and Religion in Bangladesh.” His article appears in my mate Subho Basu’s book (plug, plug): Electoral Politics in South Asia, Edited by Subho Basu and Suranjan Das. Professor Khan is at the Department of Economics, SOAS, University of London. That article should be required reading for anyone who wants to understand the election process in Bangladesh and indeed the issue of religion as it has played out over the years.
So we can expect a lot more of this violence in the coming months ?
Not only the coming months but indeed the forseeable future - is my pessimistic take. To paraphrase Prof Khan - the construction of viable alternatives which can convince the poor majority that they will do better by supporting class politics rather than factional politics is the most important challenge facing progressives in Bangladesh. But as Prof Khan points out “belonging to a faction and participating in the gamble” is a hell of a lot easier and indeed is attended by less opportunity costs than building another kind of politics.
April 20th, 2006 at 11:54 am
One clarification here - Sk. Mujib pardoned people who had might have opposed the division of Pakistan but were not involved in any killing, rapes etc.
He did not pardon the war criminals. This is why Golam Azam and his cohorts ran away to the U.K.
April 20th, 2006 at 4:48 pm
Yes, the pardon probably was intended to exclude war criminals. Butapparently in the chaos of newly gained independence, a lot of war criminals used the pardon to escape punishment. Look at Nizami or Mujahid.
But, what surprises me is the lack of a visible single, even symbolic, war crime tribunal punishing one single person after a detaled open and publicized trial. Didn’t our political leadership have the example of Nuremburg before them?
April 21st, 2006 at 5:30 am
But do we have any alternatives other than these two parties? Currently, I don’t see any. So we need to fix these parties to bring about any real change in the political culture. Let’s look at the positives, from my conversations in Dhaka this time around, it seems that there is a fight inside AL to have people with modern outlook to lead the party. The recent Chatroleague convention is one such victory that his faction had where they have fixed an agelimit of their leaders and brought real student in the leadership. Let us not get into the these false state of victim mentality that we are helpless because both the parties are horrible. Let us look at solution how things can change with these two parties in the scenario. That’s why I think the CPD initiative is a welcome change towards that aspect. What is even more encouraging is Hasina’s recent acknowledgement and agreement to this initiative that she would disclose the source of incomes for all her leaders. Whether that promise is materialised is a different matter. But these are some postives to take away from some of the recent developments.
April 21st, 2006 at 6:38 am
In a multi-faction entity, interests are not represented equally. Once in power, and no matter how enlightened the leadership the biggest share of the pie will go to those elites who can demand the greatest payback for the support they yielded in the pre-election period. Khan’s thesis is that the political process is structurally stultified in these multi-faction contests, and the way to break out of it is to construct a politics that follows your own interests. The slavish alignment of so many mass and worker organisations to one faction or another results in a total lack of development and independence of one’s own structures. Everyone is a “lejur” to the two multi-factions.
The calculations are these: which groups need to be paid off handsomely and which groups can be accomodated with tidbits from the table. And no prizes for guessing which social strata get the tidbits. To repeat, it is naive to think that people elect leaders to translate their wants and desires into policy. Democracy as competition between organised factions is more accurate. And in that set up, things will remain pretty much as they are….
April 21st, 2006 at 8:22 am
I agree with Asif on one point. There is genuine push inside AL to bring about positive changes. It’s a big party and changes do not happen overnight but there is a group, growing stronger, that is pushing for young leaders and raising the intellectual bar. I also agree with him that we need to push for positive changes in these parties, and the CPD pressure cannot hurt.
April 21st, 2006 at 10:51 pm
So who are some of the young leaders who are raising the intellectual bar over at the AL? Do we have any names, their father’s names, etc of this new wave of talent? I’m not being sarcastic, just wondering if I know any of them.
April 22nd, 2006 at 9:22 pm
I guess we should qualify “young”. That does not mean 25 in Bangldesh, it means more like 40.
Rafiq, Saber Hossain is one. Dr. Hasan Mahmud is another. Sohel Taj is another.
April 24th, 2006 at 5:03 am
[...] ngladesh to force a change by choosing the right leaders in the coming election. Shafiur posts some questions and answers on why the [...]
April 25th, 2006 at 12:28 pm
The AL and the 13 dol JOT should try to galvanize the country.Or another country will be added where democracy is subverted by religious fundamentalism.Down with BNP and its Jamati-Paki cohorts.
Also AL shouldnt cooperate with the outfit of autocratic Ershad.
April 25th, 2006 at 12:51 pm
Garga, I’ve just read your blog, the idea of Birbango/Bongobhumi made me laugh out loud. What kind of Hindu clique is that? Fascist? Just like Jamat?
April 25th, 2006 at 1:01 pm
To bank it all on a fresh batch of leaders begs a few questions. Do all invested interests simply disappear - that is those interests blocs which currently influence strategy? All powerful economic blocs suddenly vanish? The party becomes one which takes decisions through an atomised process? Each member has equal weight? And the benevolent leader takes counsel from such a process and acts? Clearly this is not the case. Interests will remain whatever the leadership.
Is it the case that a fresh leadership can suddenly deal with outside entities ( be it international financial institutions or the world trading regime) with only one aim in mind - that of the “common good?” Impossible. Fiscal policy changes affect different classes of people differently. Also can we really assume there are no power blocs for the leadership to worry about during international dealings(manufacturers, exporters, dollar committed investors etc etc )?? Suddently the leader is free from all these entanglements and starts taking pro-poor steps?
Leadership change does not address the fundamental issue of structural change. To bank on leadership change alone is like waiting for the big man to distribute the pie equally. It does not happen. It is asking for change from above when what is required is change from below. Philanthropists and misguided idealists think that change comes from above. It doesn’t. And that there is such a thing as the “common good.” There is not.
April 25th, 2006 at 1:13 pm
dear shafiur, you’ve raised an interesting point. It makes me think of the recent history of places like the USSR, Cuba, Chile, China, etc.
Philanthropists might be misguided but those who do not want the “common good” or cynically think that there is no such thing is equally misguided. What do you think?
April 25th, 2006 at 1:58 pm
Oooh we could get seriously off topic here. I am lucky enough to have heard John Rawls in Oxford just a year or two before his stroke. It was a tour de force…
Let me put it in another way to avoid esoteric philosophical discussions: the way i see the state of play in Bangladesh is that we have powerful vested interests whose trajectory for the future is extremely exclusive. They will nevertheless say that what they do is for the wealth and benefit of all. That all must subscribe to their master plan and subsume their own interests to do so. That only by following such a course will everyone’s interests be realised. I am saying that this is a load of old codswallop.
April 28th, 2006 at 12:53 pm
Muhammad, glad you read my blog.
No, its a notion, which can be given thought, especially in view of the anti-minority stance of the present BD government.As far as I know, the proponents of this homeland are not fascist.But then, I dont believe Jinnah was fascist in any sense of the term.Its the search for a homeland without repression.
They are not violent…nor were they pro-Pak in 1970s.So the connection with Jamat is laughable.
Finally,there are no Hindu cliques in existence anywhere.
Always happy to provide you with information.
Also, I would like to know, do you consider the erstwhile BAKSAL fascist?
May 10th, 2006 at 3:01 pm
I’m sorry for my delayed response. I’ve been ill with an infection.
Dear Shafiur, I escaped academia several years ago, so, I’ve no idea how esoteric it might be right now. I can, however, conjecture as to why you might think Rawls’ Kantian sense of “common good” is esoteric.
I dislike esoteric mumbojumbo, and, unlike Rawls, I try my best to be consistent in my political analysis.
This now brings me to what I said initially, and what I’m about to say, which I believe is pertinent to this blog. Again, an interesting point that you’ve raised is: the dubitable integrity of politicians in Bangladesh, and, perhaps, anywhere else.
What you’ve said must be taken to its logical conclusion, namely, the absence of the nation states and governments, since these two will inevitably entail the subsumption of individuality and the inviolable rights of an individual.
Now, the question is, once one has come to have such a realisation, what action can one take to stop this political abuse of the individual? Must one continue to kowtow to the ruling elite? Kautilya in his notion of a “rajarishi” insinuated that it’s psychologically comforting for some individuals to always look up to someone else. Can such a state of affairs be liberatory? Some people’s idea of freedom entails the ability to renounce gods, governments, wars, media, control, authority, hierarchy, fear, harm, and there is no system that anyone must or ought to participate in against their volition. Is this possible in Bangladesh or in any other country?
Dear Garga, I don’t see anything laughable about comparing Jamaat with Bangabhumi. As for BAKSAL, it wasn’t fascist, if one adheres to the political definition of fascism. BAKSAL attempted to be inclusive in its deluded ways, whereas, Jamaat tries to divide people on religious grounds, just like it’s myopic and exclusive counterparts in Hindu fanatics who are lacking in imagination and look for easy solutions to create Hindu countries.
M. Lodhi
May 11th, 2006 at 2:44 am
Good that you are over your infection. Let me re-itereate my point because you have misunderstood me fundamentally.
My point is that the multi-class factions ( ie the Al and BNP) insist on subsuming class interests. Their appeal is an over-arching national one couched in terms like these: give us the vote whoever you are and all will be ok. This is where the confusion about the “common good” has come in. I mean the rhetoric of these factions uses such language.
And so collectivities - peasants, workers, rural workers, urban workers, small business owners, big business owners, very, very big business owners etc you get my point - are asked to subsume their interests and come together to “save the nation.”
Conflicting and divergent class interests are buried. (And needless to say once in power, the pie is of course not divided equally).
Consequently constructing a progressive politics based on the interests of the poor, or if you like class interests, is stymied. I am advocating a politics away from these multi-class factional approaches.
Re Baksal - I will come back to its “inclusiveness” later on today hopefully. Interesting point.
May 11th, 2006 at 8:26 am
Yes, Shafiur, I agree with you about the fraudulent assurances of the politicians. I have a book titled “New Labour, New Language” by Norman Fairclough, which deals with the rhetorical uses and abuses of language to “win” the votes.
I also get the picture of “save the nation.”
I meant in their skew-eyed communist sense of “inclusiveness”.
So, would politics away from the multi-class factions be free from the intellectual (thinking of Dr. Azad who died fairly recently) and physical assaults that accompany current trends in Bangladesh?
I’ve printed out Mushtaq Husain Khan’s article, but haven’t had the time to read it yet.
May 14th, 2006 at 6:28 am
A credible election can not be limited to monitoring on Election Day only. The controversies surrounding the preliminary electoral roll like
1. Pre election environment monitoring in the locality
2. Process of nomination where should practice the proper democratic system.
3. Monitoring the conduct of Govt officials
4. Monitoring the money used in election
and its finalization demand inclusion of the monitoring of the process of preparing and finalizing the electoral roll under the long term observation program by the civil society’s volunteer’s team.
I storongly recommend that NGOs, civil societys should included all donor’s long term observer team to explore the pre and post election situation in Bangladesh.